Elly Dekker

Caspar Vopel's Ventures in Sixteenth-Century Celestial Cartography, 1532-1570

 

 

ELLY DEKKER

 

Caspar Vopel's Ventures in Sixteenth-Century Celestial Cartography

Les essais de Caspar Vopel en cartographie céleste au XVIe siècle

Caspar Vopels Vorstoß in die Kartographie des Himmels im 16. Jahrhundert

Las empresas de Caspar Vopel en la cartografía celeste del siglo XVI

   

Per cortesia di

Imago Mundi

Volume 62, Issue 2, 2010

Taylor & Francis Online

 

 

ABSTRACT

This paper concerns the undertakings in celestial cartography of the sixteenth-century Cologne cartographer Caspar Vopel. Copies of his printed celestial globe and of the celestial maps included on his world map are also described. Vopel's celestial mappings display his extraordinary interest in astronomical myths through a series of conspicuous iconographic features. In particular, Vopel's introduction of the images of Antinous and Coma Berenices is revealed to have been inspired by a humanist edition of the Ptolemaic star catalogue. Finally, a study of the celestial maps on the copies of Vopel's world map by Valvassore (1558) and by Van den Putte (1570) shows that these represent different editions of Vopel's world map and that the celestial maps on the world map of Matteo Pagano were in turn copied from those on the world map of Valvassore.

Cet article concerne les travaux en cartographie céleste du cartographe de Cologne du XVIe siècle, Caspar Vopel. On y décrit des exemplaires de son globe céleste imprimé ainsi que des cartes célestes figurées sur sa mappemonde. La production de cartes célestes de Vopel montre son intérêt singulier pour les mythes astronomiques à travers une série de caractéristiques iconographiques remarquables. En particulier, l'introduction des constellations d'Antinoüs et de la Chevelure de Bérénice (Coma Berenices en latin) se révèle avoir été inspirée par une édition humaniste du catalogue des étoiles de Ptolémée. Finalement, une étude des cartes célestes présentes sur les copies de la mappemonde de Vopel par Valvassore (1558) et par Van den Putte (1570) montre que ces copies reprennent différentes éditions de la carte du monde de Vopel et que les cartes célestes présentes sur la mappemonde de Matteo Pagano ont été copiées à leur tour à partir de celles de la carte du monde de Valvassore. 

Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der Himmelskartographie des Kölner Kartographen Caspar Vopel. Exemplare seines gedruckten Himmelsglobus und der Himmelskarten, die sich auf seinen Weltkarten befinden, werden beschrieben. Eine Reihe auffallender ikonographischer Elemente auf Vopels Himmelskarten lassen sein außerordentliches Interesse an astronomischen Mythen erkennen. Besonders seine Einführung der Sternbilder Antinous und Coma Berenice wurden offensichtlich durch eine humanistische Ausgabe des Sternkatalogs von Ptolemäus inspiriert. Darüber hinaus zeigt die Untersuchung der Himmelskarten auf den Kopien nach Vopels Weltkarte durch Valvassore (1558) und Van den Putte (1570), dass diese auf unterschiedlichen Ausgaben von Vopels Weltkarte basieren und dass die Himmelskarten auf der Weltkarte von Matteo Pagano von denen auf der Weltkarte von Valvassore kopiert wurden.

Este artículo se centra en los proyectos de cartografía celeste del cartógrafo del siglo XVI Caspar Vopel, natural de Colonia. Se describen las copias impresas de su globo, y de los mapas celestes incluidos en su mapa del mundo. Los mapas celestes de Vopel muestran su extraordinario interés en los mitos astronómicos a través de una serie de llamativas imágenes. En particular la introducción de Vopel de las imágenes de Antinoo y Coma Berenice revela haber sido inspirada por una edición humanística del catálogo de estrellas de Ptolomeo. Por último, un estudio de los mapas celestes del mapa del mundo de Vopel, copiados por Valvassore (1558) y por Van den Putte (1570), muestra que esas copias son de diferentes ediciones del mapa del mundo de Vopel, y que los mapas celestes del mapa del mundo de Matteo Pagano fueron a su vez copiados de los del mapa del mundo de Valvassore.

 

 

 

 

 

 

KEYWORDS

 

 

Caspar Vopel (1511–1561) was born in Medebach, a small town not far from Cologne . (1)

In 1526 he entered the University of Cologne , where he obtained his bachelor's degree in 1527 and his master's in 1529. After completing his studies he taught mathematics at the Montana bursa, one of the student colleges of the university, and married Enge van Aich, the daughter of an established printer. (2)

Vopel became a well-known cartographer and was also active as an instrument maker: (3)

Although his world map and his maps of Europe and the Rhine have been studied in some detail, his contribution to celestial cartography has received less attention. (4)

This paper aims to fill in the gap by describing Vopel's celestial globes and maps, with special attention given to innovations introduced on their initations and derivatives.

In discussing Vopel's celestial cartography I follow existing conventions and denote constellations by their Latin names. Subgroups, such as the Pleiades, are referred to by their English names. Stars are identified in one of two ways: by modern convention or by the serial number from its Ptolemaic constellation. Thus Regulus, the brightest star in Leo, is denoted as α Leo or Leo 8. Unformed stars of a constellation, listed by Ptolemy separately after the ‘formed’ stars because they are located outside the imaginary constellation figure, are numbered as 1e, 2e and so on, with ‘e’ standing for external. Thus the first of the unformed stars of Leo is Leo 1e, the second Leo 2e. (5)

The lasting merit of Vopel's printed globe and maps—or so it appears in retrospect—is the images of two star groups, Antinous and the Lock of Hair, better known as Coma Berenices, neither of which had previously been represented graphically. Their introduction on Vopel's printed globe of 1536 started a process by which the two groups came to be recognized as individual constellations. Since then, many other new constellation figures have been added to the celestial sky, sometimes for unformed stars in the northern hemisphere, at other times for stars newly recorded in the southern sky during voyages of exploration. The impact of Vopel's initiative raises a number of questions including why Vopel introduced the images of Antinous and Coma Berenices and what the reaction of his contemporaries was. Before dealing with these questions, however, we need to look at Vopel's various undertakings in celestial cartography.

 

1532: A Manuscript Celestial Globe

 GLOBUS VON VOPELIUS, KÖLNNISCHES STADT-MUSEUM: KSM 1984/447

https://www.kulturelles-erbe-koeln.de/documents/obj/05741337

 

 

 

 

 

Vopel's earliest surviving piece of work is his manuscript celestial globe of 1532, now in the Kölnisches Stadtmuseum. (6)

It has a diameter of some 28 centimetres , is hand coloured and is signed at the South Pole: Gaspar Medebach opus hoc astronomicum fecit 1532 Martii. (7)

Like all globes made in the Renaissance, Vopel's presents the 1025 so-called fixed stars described in the star catalogue in Ptolemy's Syntaxis mathematica, a second century ad astronomical work devoted to the motions of the wandering stars, or planets. (8)

The fixed stars, discussed in books VII and VIII, serve in this context as a reference grid for locating the planets. The star catalogue is organized as follows:

For each star (taken by constellation), we give, in the first section, its description as a part of the constellation; in the second section, its position in longitude, as derived from observation, for the beginning of the reign of Antoninus…; in the third section we give its distance from the ecliptic in latitude, to the north or south as the case may be for the particular star; and in the fourth, the class to which it belongs in magnitude. (9)

The recorded star positions are valid for the epoch 137 ad, the beginning of the reign of Antoninus. Since precession causes the equinoxes (the points of intersection between the ecliptic and the equator) to drift slowly with respect to the stars in the course of time, the stellar longitudes have to be adapted for later times.

Ptolemy's Syntaxis mathematica was transmitted to the Latin West through Arabic translations circulating in Muslim Spain. The Latin translation made from the Arabic around 1175 by Gerard of Cremona became known in the Middle Ages as the Almagest; it was first printed in 1515. The epoch of the catalogue in Gerard's translation was ad 137. (10)

The star catalogue in the wording of Gerard's translation could also be found appended to the Latin version of the Alfonsine Tables, a much-copied work consisting of tables for calculating the positions of the planets. This ‘Alfonsine catalogue’ is adapted to the epoch 1252 (the beginning of the reign of King Alfonso X of Castile ) by adding a precession correction of 17° 8′ to the longitudes of the stars. It circulated in the later Middle Ages and was first printed in 1483. (11)

The astronomical nomenclature in the Arabic-Latin catalogue version was understandably permeated with names originating in transliterations from the Arabic. This Arabic legacy is recognizable in the hand-written notes on Vopel's manuscript globe. Although many details are hard to read, and a complete description is still a desideratum, I can quote, as an example, the text for the constellation Aquila : AQVILA sive / vultur volans / alkaÿr Martius / ac Jovis naturae / sunt (Fig. 1) In this text two names, Aquila and vultur volans (the flying Eagle), are given for the constellation, one stemming from the Greek, the other from the Arabic tradition. Then follows alkaÿr, a name used in the Renaissance for the brightest star of Aquila (α Aql). Last, the astrological natures of the stars that make up the constellation are described as those of Mars and Jupiter.

 

 


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Fig. 1. Detail of Caspar Vopel's manuscript globe of 1532, showing from bottom to top: Aquila , Sagitta and Lyra. The name Antinous is inscribed underneath the equator below the head of Aquila . (Reproduced with permission from the Director of the Graphische Sammlung of the Kölnische Stadtmuseum.)


 

 

 

The second name given to the constellation, vultur volans, reflects the indigenous Arabic name used in the 1515 edition of Ptolemy's star catalogue. (12)

The star name alkaÿr does not occur in that catalogue, however, but stems from an Arabic-Latin tradition connected with the construction of astrolabes that goes back to the 980s. (13)

Vopel may have taken this name from the star table in Johannes Stöffler's influential Elucidatio fabricae ususque astrolabii. (14)

The astrological characteristics of the fixed stars were expressed by means of the influences thought to be exerted by the planets. Vopel probably obtained his information from the astrological survey of the fixed stars, Nomina & qualitates stellarum fixarum secumdum Ptol[lemeum], which was added to the 1524, 1545 and 1553 editions of the Alfonsine Tables. (15)

The names Anhelar and Abrachaleus for the brightest stars of Gemini (α and β Gem), inscribed on Vopel's manuscript globe, are not mentioned in the 1515 edition of the star catalogue, but they are found in the astrological survey in the Alphonsine Tables, and their use here shows that Vopel knew the Tables.

A number of names on Vopel's manuscript globe cannot be explained by any source material from the Arabic-Latin tradition. Take, for example, the name Antinous inscribed below the head of Aquila on Vopel's manuscript globe (see Fig. 1). Ptolemy used this name to denote a group of unformed stars below Aquila , but it does not occur in the Latin translation by Gerard of Cremona. (16)

Its earliest appearance was in the Latin translation made about 1451, at the request of Pope Nicholas V, directly from the Greek by the humanist George of Trezibond, or Trapezuntius (1395–1484). The first printed edition of Trapezuntius's translation appeared only in 1528 in Venice . (17)

Trapezentius's humanist version of the star catalogue differs from Gerard of Cremona's Latin translation from the Arabic by the use of what humanists considered ‘good’ Latin. In the translation by Trapezuntius one searches in vain for names developed from Arabic transliteration. The name Vultur volans, for Aquila , has vanished, and the name of Antinous, which had been lost in the Arabic-Latin transmission, is recovered. To the catalogue proper, the editor of the printed edition of 1528 had added extra information in the last column: planetary symbols, variant values for longitude or latitude, short notes and names, the last presumably for easy reference. There he listed, for example, the Greek names Apollinis and Herculis for the brightest stars of Gemini instead of Anhelar and Abrachaleus as recorded on Vopel's manuscript globe. Earlier, another Latin version of the Ptolemaic star catalogue, also translated directly from the Greek text, had been published posthumously by the humanist Georgio Valla (1447–1500) in his mathematical encyclopaedia of 1501, but there are no indications that Vopel knew this work. (18)

For his figures of the forty-eight constellations Vopel copied the style and iconography of the pair of maps produced by Albrecht Dürer (1471–1528), Conrad Heinfogel (1470–1530) and Johann Stabius (d. 1522), and published in 1515. (19)

The iconography of what are usually referred to as Dürer's maps, because it was he who cut the wood blocks, proved extremely successful throughout the sixteenth century. It served as the model for the planisphere published by Peter Apian (1495–1552) in 1536 and reprinted with a different type set in his Astronomicum Caesarum in 1540. (20)  

 

Planisferi di Conrad Heinfogel (?)

 

 Die Karte des Nördlichen Sternenhimmels, Inv.-Nr. Hz 5576

 Die Karte des  Südlichen  Sternenhimmels, Inv.-Nr. Hz 5577

 

Planisferi del Durer (1515)

 

Petrus Apianus

Astronomicum Caesareum, Ingolstadt 1540

 

 

Dürer's figures were also used on the printed celestial globe of 1537 produced by Gemma Frisius (1508–1555) together with Gaspar van der Heyden (c.1496–after 1549) and Gerard Mercator (1512–1595), and on the manuscript celestial globe made under the supervision of Johannes Praetorius (1537–1616) in 1566. (21)  

 

Belgian celestial table globe, 1537, by van der Hayden, Frisius and Mercator. Royal Museums Greenwich

https://collections.rmg.co.uk/collections/objects/19822.html

http://www.atlascoelestis.com/Gemma%201537.htm

 

 

 

1534: A Cycle of Constellation Images

 

 

(vedi in Atlascoelestis:)

 

Gaius Iulius Hyginus

C. Ivlii Higini, Avgvsti Liberti, Poeticon Astronomicon : Ad Vetervm exemplarium eorumq[ue] manuscriptorum fidem diligentissime recognitum, & ab innumeris, quibus scatebat, uitiis repurgatum, Coloniae 1534

http://www.atlascoelestis.com/Hyginusvopel%201534.htm

 

 

Vopel's next undertaking in celestial cartography was the series of forty woodcut constellation images made for the 1534 edition of the Poeticon Astronomicon, published by the Cologne humanist and printer Johannes Soter. (22)

This astronomical treatise on the rudiments of astronomy is attributed to the librarian of the Roman emperor Augustus, C. Iulius Hyginus (first century bc). Vopel's involvement in Soter's edition is expressed in an address to the reader printed at the end of the book. He also included a reference to his woodcut illustrations of Hyginus's Poeticon Astronomicon in a legend on his world map. (23)

Cycles of individual constellation images are seen in many medieval manuscripts, where they illustrate so-called descriptive star catalogues, that is, written lists of the locations of stars within constellation images. The oldest extant copies of such lists date from the beginning of the ninth century. Some descriptive star catalogues are part of the scholia of Latin translations of the Phaenomena, the earliest surviving Greek description of the celestial sky by Aratus of Soli (c. 310–240/239 bc); others occur in treatises of the ‘computus’. (24)

Book III of Hyginus's Poeticon Astronomicon contains such a descriptive star catalogue.

The most common cycle of constellation images printed in the Renaissance is the one illustrating the editio princeps of the Latin translation of Aratus's poem by Germanus Iulius Caesar (15 bc–19 ad). This was published in Bologna in 1474. The images stem from a medieval tradition connected with Michael Scot (fl. c.1235), court astrologer to Emperor Frederick II. (25)

The woodcuts of the Scot illustrations were also used in the 1482 and 1485 editions of Hyginus's Poeticon Astronomicon, published by Erhard Ratdolt in Venice , and in many other astronomical works printed during the Renaissance. (26)

In contrast, the Cologne edition printed by Soter in 1534 did not follow this trend but used instead Caspar Vopel's newly designed woodcut images.

The images of Andromeda in the editions by Ratdolt and Soter of respectively 1482 and 1534 are shown in Figure 2 The 1482 image depicts Andromeda as a male/female with outstretched arms tied to the branches of trees. (27)

The stars plotted in the constellation are in keeping with Hyginus's descriptive star catalogue. Vopel's image on the other hand follows Dürer's design of a naked woman in chains. He placed the constellation in relation to sections of a number of celestial circles: great circles through the ecliptic poles separating the signs of the zodiac, the Tropic of Cancer and the equinoctial colure. In the absence of declination scales it is not possible to decide what sort of projection Vopel used, but it certainly was not stereographic. The great circles through the ecliptic poles in the woodcuts in Soter's Poeticon Astronomicon seem to represent the boundaries of globe gores and clearly anticipate Vopel's printed globe. It is, therefore, not surprising that the stars in Vopel's figure of Andromeda do not follow Hyginus's descriptive star catalogue, but are based on Ptolemy's positions and magnitudes of the stars and are numbered according to their order in his star catalogue. (28)

 


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Fig. 2. Andromeda from two editions of Hyginus, Poeticon Astronomicon. Left, the edition by Erhard Ratdolt, printed in Venice in 1482, with woodcut illustrations based on a medieval manuscript tradition connected with Michael Scot (fl. c.1235), court astrologer to Emperor Frederick II. Right, Johannes Soter's edition, printed in Cologne in 1534, with woodcut illustrations by Caspar Vopel. (Reproduced with permission from the History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries , Norman , and from the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München, respectively.)


 

The principles underlying Vopel's woodcut of Andromeda hold for the other constellations. A few, however, diverge from the general pattern. For example, the iconography of Boötes deviates from Dürer's design in that Boötes now holds a sickle in his raised left hand, a detail that Vopel borrowed from the Scot illustration, where Boötes is portrayed as a farmer (Fig. 3).

 


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Fig. 3. Boötes from two editions of Hyginus, Poeticon Astronomicon. Woodcuts. Left, the Radolt edition of 1482, portraying Boötes as a farmer. Right, the Soter edition of 1534, where Boötes holds a sickle in his raised left hand, a detail borrowed from the illustration in the Radolt edition. (Reproduced with permission from the History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries , Norman , and the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München, respectively.)


 

In some constellations unformed stars or stars belonging to a neighbouring constellation are found. For example, the image of Corona Borealis contains some stars from Serpens (Ser 1–3, 5–6), and included in the outline of Taurus are two non-Ptolemaic stars (numbered 34 and 35 and placed after the Ptolemaic Pleiades stars 30–33) and the Greek names of the Pleiades and the Hyades (Fig. 4). Hyginus discussed the Pleiades in a separate entry in Book II.21, declaring that only six of its seven stars were discernable. This could explain why Vopel increased the four Ptolemaic Pleiades stars to six. The one star name shown in Vopel's drawings, CANOPVS in Navis, is also discussed by Hyginus, although not in his entries on Navis (Books II.37 and III.36) but in the entry on Eridanus (Book II.32). All this suggests that the images were taken from something much larger, such as a set of globe gores. The rough scale (in units of 10°) for longitudes that accompanies the drawings of the zodiacal constellations is consistent with this thesis.

 


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Fig. 4. Taurus from Soter's 1534 edition of Hyginus, Poeticon Astronomicon, with the Greek names of the Pleiades (numbers 30–33) and the Hyades. Woodcut. Among the Pleiades are two non-Ptolemaic stars (numbers 34 and 35). (Reproduced with permission from the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München.)


 

Since the Ptolemaic stellar configurations of Vopel's constellation cycle are not in line with Hyginus's descriptive star catalogue, the series must have confused readers trying to connect the text with the images. This did not, however, prevent the reproduction of either the whole cycle or part of it in a number of astronomical works printed later in the sixteenth century. (29)

 

 

(Nota di Atlascoelestis):

Si pensa che gli stessi stampi in legno di Vopel siano atati utilizzati nell'officina tipografica di Theodorus Graminaeus per stampare le xilografie delle costellazioni utilizzate per l'edizione del 1569 e 1570 (vedi: https://www.astronomie-nuernberg.de/index.php?category=duerer&page=graminaeus-1569) , di

Arati Solensis


PHAENOMENA ET PROGNOSTICA. Interpretibus M. Tullio Cicerone, Rufo Festo Avieno, Germanico Caesare, Una cum Eius Commentariis. 
C. Iulii Hygini Astronomicon...

 


Coloniae Agrippinae (
 Cologne ) : apud Theodorum Graminaeum, 1569 (1570)

http://www.atlascoelestis.com/Aratus%20Solensis.htm

 

L'opera può essere consultata

nella seguente pagina

per cortesia di

 

 

http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000000204

 

 

e per cortesia di

in

https://reader.digitale-sammlungen.de/resolve/display/bsb10139476.html

 

 

 

 

 

1536: A Printed Celestial Globe

 

Vedi:  https://www.bildindex.de/document/obj05741338 e http://www.atlascoelestis.com/Anonimo%20vopel%201536%20base.htm, nota di Atlascoelestis

  

 

Vopel's manuscript globe of 1532 and his series of woodcuts of 1534 supposedly served as trials for the production of the woodcut gores for his printed globe with the inscription: CASPAR. VO/PEL. MEDEBACH / HANC. COSMOGRA: / faciebat sphæram. / Coloniæ. A°. 1536 (Fig. 5). The design of this globe (described in Appendix 1 as G1) follows in many respects that of the earlier manuscript globe. Its nomenclature, however, is less extensive, presumably because it is easier to make handwritten notes than to cut lengthy texts in wood. Thus Aquila is labelled by one constellation name (AQVILA) and one star name (Alkayr), and only the planetary symbols of Mars and Jupiter indicate the astrological influences. Although Vopel was not the first to mark the planetary natures of stars on his globes—the credit for that should go to Hans Dorn, the maker of a manuscript globe dated 1480—he included them on a printed globe, thus guaranteeing a wider use of the practice. (30)

Vopel's example was followed on the celestial globe of 1537 by Gemma Frisius and his collaborators and on that of 1551 by Gerard Mercator. (31)

 


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Fig. 5. Title cartouche on Vopel's printed globe of 1536. Woodcut. (Reproduced with permission from the Director of the Graphische Sammlung of the Kölnische Stadtmuseum.)


 

A comparison of Vopel's manuscript globe with the printed one shows changes in the stellar positions. For example, the stars in the tail of Aries (Ari 9–10) lie south of the ecliptic on the manuscript globe but north of it on the printed one. The star at the end of the chain of Andromeda (And 23) stands in the middle of the sign of Aries on the manuscript globe and at the beginning on the printed globe. On Vopel's woodcut of Aries in the 1534 edition of Hyginus, the stars Ari 9–10 are still shown south of the ecliptic, whereas on the woodcut of Andromeda the star And 23 is located at the beginning of the sign of Aries (see Fig. 2). Such variations in position show that Vopel was continuously adapting his mapping.

Positional differences are not necessarily the result of careless work by the mapmaker but may reflect the use of a specific version of the Ptolemaic catalogue. Comparable variations are noticeable in contemporary sources. On Dürer's maps (1515), Apian's planispheres of 1536 and 1540, and Gemma Frisius's celestial globe of 1537, the stars Ari 9–10 are south of the ecliptic and the star And 23 is in the middle of the sign of Aries. On the globe gores cut in wood in 1515 by Johannes Schöner (1477–1547) and on Mercator's globe of 1551 the stars Ari 9–10 are north of the ecliptic and the star And 23 is at the beginning of the sign of Aries.

The most important characteristic of Vopel's printed globe is a series of iconographic peculiarities that do not derive from Dürer's maps. They also do not occur on the manuscript globe or on the woodcuts in the 1534 edition of Hyginus. This series is comprised by images for Antinous and Coma Berenices, Boötes accompanied by hunting dogs and a goat eating leaves from a vine above his head, the Wagon (Plaustrum) in the body and tail of Ursa Maior, the Kids (Haedi) in Auriga, six tiny female heads illustrating the Pleiades (Vergiliae) in Taurus, two Asses (Asini) in Cancer, Lyra as a bird with a stringed instrument placed horizontally over its body, and one of the Gemini with a lyre or a similar instrument with bow. These features are discussed separately below.

Vopel's printed globe attracted a number of imitators. Two sets of copperplate gores and one set of mounted woodcut gores (described in Appendix 1, G2–G4) appear to be close copies of Vopel's printed globe. (32)

The anonymous engraver of the G2 gores acknowledged his source: SPHAERA / ASTRONOMICA / aeri exarata, sicut / eam olim exhibuit Cas/par Vopelius Cosmogr. (Fig. 6). It is tempting to identify these G2 gores with those used for making the celestial globe of the pair by Johannes Antonii Barvicius reported to have been published in Cologne in 1577. However, this possibility must be rejected because Barvicius's celestial globe is said to have been adjusted to the calculations of modern astronomers, which does not hold for Vopel's celestial globes or its copies. (33)

 


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Fig. 6. Gores of an anonymous copy of Vopel's printed globe of 1536 (G2 in Appendix 1). The enlargements 1 to 4 show, respectively, the small images of the Pliades, the Kids, the Lyre of the western Twin, and the Asses. Sotheby's, Catalogue Natural History, Travel, Atlases and Maps ( Sale L08401), London , 8 May 2008, Lot 78. (Reproduced with permission of Sotheby's, London.)


 

The makers of the G3 copperplate gores and the G4 globe do not mention Vopel. A comparison with Vopel's printed globe shows that the G3 gores were not copied particularly carefully and may well have been the work of an amateur. The engraver has omitted the names of five constellations and given only one of the star names marked on Vopel's printed globe (see Appendix 1, G3). The G4 celestial globe belongs to a pair of which the terrestrial globe does not follow any of the editions of Vopel's terrestrial globe. The G4 gores are woodcuts, as are those of Vopel's printed globe. The maker included only five star names, two of which do not stem from Vopel's globe (see Appendix 1, G4). The most striking deviation from Vopel's 1536 globe is the image of a young man representing Phaeton placed at the end of Eridanus, which is first seen on the copperplate celestial globe gores by François Demongenet, published around 1560. (34)

 Nota di Atlascoelestis:

Il globo celeste di Vopel del 1536 ha ispirato anche quello prodotto da Christoph Schissler ad Augusta nel 1575, diametro 42cm:

“CHRISTOPHORVS SCHISSLERVS AVGVSTANVS GEOMETRICVS ET ASTRONOMICVS FABER GLOBVM HVNC CÆLESTREM  FACIEBAT ET DESCRIBEBAT ANNO DOMINI 1575”

 “STELLÆ HVIVS GLOBI NVMERATÆ AC DISTRIBVTÆ SVNT SECVNDVM CVRSVM SPHÆRÆ OCTAVÆ AD NOSTRVM TEMPVS ANNVMQVE ACCOMMODATÆ 1575“

 

https://www.parquesdesintra.pt/pontos-de-atracao/globo-celeste/

https://www.astronomie-nuernberg.de/index.php?category=duerer&page=schissler-1575

 

 

 E ha anche ispirato un globo in rame di 29 cm  di autore anonimo e di epoca imprecisata ora esposto al

 

 

 

https://collections.rmg.co.uk/collections/objects/19782.html

https://www.astronomie-nuernberg.de/index.php?category=duerer&page=anonym-15xx

https://www.astronomie-nuernberg.de/index.php?category=duerer&page=nachfolger

 

 

1545: Celestial Maps in a World Map

(Nota di Atlascoelstis: vedi a tal proposito la seguente pagina di Astronomie in Nurnberg: https://www.astronomie-nuernberg.de/index.php?category=duerer&page=vopel-1545)

 

In 1545 Vopel published a world map in which the northern and southern celestial hemispheres occupy, respectively, the lower left and right corners. (35)

A second edition was published in 1549, and further editions may have appeared in the 1550s. (36)

No example of Vopel's world map has survived, but a number of derivatives are known. The celestial maps on these are described in Appendix 2 as M1, M2 and M4. (37)

The celestial maps (M1) on the world map by Jeronimo de Girava of 1556 are only rough copies and show just enough detail to make the model recognizable. A much better impression of Vopel's celestial maps is obtained from the close copies of his world map by Giovanni Andrea Valvassore (M2) of 1558, shown in Plates 7 and 8, and by Bernaard van den Putte (M4) of 1570. In addition, two sets of celestial hemispheres, described in Appendix 2 as M3 and M5, appear to derive from Vopel's celestial maps. One set (M3) can be found in the top corners of the world map by Matteo Pagano, the other, anonymous, set (M5) is not part of a world map.

At first sight the celestial maps on Valvassore's and Van den Putte's world maps seem to be no more than copies of Dürer's maps. Valvassore and Van den Putte reproduce the titles along the top and the images of Aratus, Manilius, Ptolemy and al-ūfī that are found in the corners of Dürer's northern hemisphere. However, the maps are not slavish copies of Dürer's. The stars on Valvassore's and Van den Putte's celestial maps are coded on a six-point scale given on the map ( Fig. 7) according to their brightness. Many stars are named and accompanied by planetary symbols. Valvassore's and Van den Putte's celestial maps include a number of names not seen on Vopel's printed globe. For example, three names (Βασιλισκος / Regulus / Cabalezet) for the bright star α Leo are added. The first and the last of these names stem from respectively the Greek and Arabic tradition. The name Regulus is a concoction of the early sixteenth century humanist astronomers. (38)

Other names, such as the two in Eridanus, Acarnar and Angetenar, appear to stem from the star catalogue appended to the Alfonsine Tables. Especially striking is the addition of Greek names for many constellations ( 18 in all) on Valvassore's and Van den Putte's celestial maps. Presumably all these new features occurred already on Vopel's celestial maps on his lost world map.

 


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Fig. 7. Table with the marks for stars with magnitudes 1 to 6, together with the number of stars in each magnitude class, in the right lower corner on northern celestial hemisphere from the world map by Giovanni Andrea Valvassore ( Venice , 1558). See Plate 7, Houghton Library, 51*-2577P. (Reproduced with permission from the Houghton Library, Harvard University .)


 

 


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Plate 7. Northern celestial hemisphere on one sheet. Image 37.5 × 48.5 cm . From the world map by Giovanni Andrea Valvassore ( Venice , 1558). Houghton Library, 51*-2577P. (Reproduced with permission from the Houghton Library, Harvard University .) (See p. 169.)


 


Many but not all the iconographic peculiarities introduced on Vopel's printed globe seem to have been reproduced on the celestial maps on his world map, when judged by its copies. All maps M1 to M5 contain the images of Coma Berenices and Antinous. M1 to M4 depict Boötes with sickle, club and dogs, and M2 to M4 also have the vine-eating goat. Missing on all the maps (M1–M5), and very likely also on Vopel's, are the Wagon in Ursa Maior, the Pleiades, the Kids and the Asses. The last three images may have been too tiny to be added to a map, and presumably these images were already lacking on Vopel's map. The absence of the Wagon may have been provoked by the polar stereographic projection of the celestial maps, which results in some congestion of the constellations around the North Pole. This could also explain why the name of the Wagon (Plaustrum) is found near the head instead of near the tail of Ursa Maior. However, the new location of the name Plaustrum may derive from Apian's planispheres of 1536 and 1540, from which the non-linear scale for measuring latitudes was borrowed.

All the celestial maps (M1–M5) display two iconographic characteristics that define them as a group and that are not found on Vopel's globes. One is a cloud of smoke rising from the flames on top of the altar of Ara; the other is a swimming female at the end of Eridanus (see Plate 8). Medieval illustrations of Eridanus associate the constellation with the river god, and this is how Eridanus is depicted in the 1482 edition of Hyginus. (39)

In some editions of Hyginus's fables, however, the figure at the end of the river is a swimming maiden; this is what we find on Apian's planispheres of 1536 and 1540, on the globe of Gemma Frisius of 1537, on the globe gores of Georg Hartmann of 1538, and on Demongenet's woodcut gores of 1552. (40)

The popularity of the swimming maiden at the end of Eridanus may have been the reason why Vopel decided to introduce it on his celestial maps of 1545.

 


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Plate 8. Southern celestial hemisphere on one sheet. Image 37.5 × 48.5 cm . From the world map by Giovanni Andrea Valvassore ( Venice , 1558). At the end of the river Eridanus is the image of a ‘swimming maiden’. Houghton Library, 51*-2577P. (Reproduced with permission from the Houghton Library, Harvard University .) (See p. 169.)


 

 

It is not a priori clear how the various copies of Vopel's celestial maps are interrelated. Since the world maps of Valvassore and Van den Putte are close in content, it has been suggested that Van den Putte's world map was based on the earlier one of Valvassore. (41)

Details in the nomenclature of the celestial maps, however, show that the two world maps may be independent copies. For example, on Van den Putte's celestial maps (M4), one finds the Greek name of the Gemini, the four Ptolemaic and the two extra non-Ptolemaic stars of the Pleiades and their Latin name Vergiliae, the Latin Hædi for the Kids in Auriga, and the star names Alhabor (α CMa) and Bellatrix (α Ori). None of these names occurs on Valvassore's copy (M2). The same features are missing from the celestial maps of Pagano (M3). Valvassore's and Pagano's celestial maps also share a number of spelling errors, for example, Makab (α Peg) instead of Markab, which do not occur on Van den Putte's map. Since Pagano's maps are less complete than those of Valvassore, the common omissions and spelling errors suggest that Pagano used the celestial maps on Valvassore's world map as his model and not the other way round. His world map should therefore be dated later than 1558. (42)

Another detail concerns the image of Lyra. On the copies of Vopel's celestial maps Lyra is depicted with the stringed instrument arranged vertically as on Dürer's maps instead of horizontally as on Vopel's printed globe. Although it is hard to say why Vopel should have returned to Dürer's Lyra, the change is not particularly significant, since this is the way Vopel had already depicted Lyra on his Hyginus drawing and on his manuscript globe (see Fig. 1). What is of interest here is that on three maps (M1–M3) the bird is now headless, which suggests that this was a characteristic of the models used for these maps. The presence of a ‘headed’ bird on Van den Putte's celestial maps, together with the additional names and the Pleiades stars, suggest that Van den Putte used one of the later editions of Vopel's world map with alterations made by Vopel himself.

In conclusion, it is worth noting that no other Renaissance celestial maps are known that offer as many details as Vopel's, when judged by its copies. The addition of celestial maps on a world map is another matter. (43)

This was not merely symbolic, but a gesture designed to present a complete image of the cosmos. The concept must have appealed to Renaissance mapmakers, since later in the sixteenth century Vopel's example was followed by many mapmakers besides those copying his world map. (44)

 

 

Iconographic Peculiarities

 

As already noted, Vopel's printed globe of 1536 is characterized by a series of conspicuous iconographic features that are discussed here in greater detail. The features are not of equal importance. Some, such as the tiny figures of the Pleiades, the Asses and the Kids, are more like mythological footnotes in the iconographic landscape (see Fig. 6). These star groups were recognized early in Greek astronomy, and images of them in medieval illustrated manuscripts are not unknown, but I have never seen the Pleiades and the Asses represented graphically on any other celestial globe, and the Kids are only on globes postdating Vopel's printed globe. (45)

The lyre held by the western twin in Gemini is another minor feature (see Fig. 6). The names Anhelar (α Gem) and Abrachaleus (β Gem) indicate that Vopel had identified the Gemini as Apollo and Hercules, the Latin names of which were added on Vopel's celestial maps (see Plate 7 and Appendix 2). (46)

Vopel emphasized this identification by giving the western twin the lyre, thus recalling the well-known myth that Hermes offered Apollo the lyre as compensation for his attempt to steal Apollo's herd. (47)

On Schöner's woodcut globe gores of 1515 the western figure in the Gemini has a violin-like instrument as an attribute that is seen also on his later globe of c.1533, where he added the star names Apollinis and Herculis. (48)

The mythological background for the iconography of Boötes is more complicated. This classical hero is represented on Vopel's printed globe as a naked bearded man with a sickle in his raised left hand and a lance in his right hand (Fig. 8). On his right side is a pair of dogs on a lead, which he holds in his right hand. Above his head is a goat eating leaves from a vine. The 1534 woodcut of Boötes (see Fig. 3) can account for the main figure holding a lance in the one hand and a sickle in the other, but where did the other features come from?

 


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Fig. 8. Boötes on Vopel's printed globe of 1536. (Reproduced with permission from the Director of the Graphische Sammlung of the Kölnische Stadtmuseum.)


The image of a vine with the leaf-eating goat finds its origin in the myth connecting Boötes with Icarius. This story survives today only in Book II.4 of Hyginus's Poeticon Astronomicon:

Many say that this [the constellation Boötes] is Icarius, the father of Erigone. To him, because of his justice and piety, Liber granted wine, the vine, and the grape, so that Icarius might show mankind in what way the vine should be cultivated, what grows from it, and when it is grown, how it should be used. When he had planted the vine and by diligent pruning made it sprout, it is said that a goat fell on the vine and picked off all the tender leaves it found there. Icarius became so irritated that he killed the goat, made a bag out of its skin, filled the bag with air then tied it, and throwing it among his companions ordered them to dance around it. And so as Eratosthenes says, ‘Men first danced around the goat of Icarius’. (49)

Some scholars believe that Hyginus took this story from a lost poem, Erigone, by Eratosthenes describing the drama of Icarius. (50)

The main story, also told by Hyginus, relates how Icarius, after receiving the gift of wine, completely filled an ox-cart with wineskins and offered the wine to shepherds all around Attica , many of whom became drunk. Not yet being familiar with the intoxicating effects of wine, other shepherds believed that Icarius had poisoned their friends and therefore killed him. When Icarius's dog (Maera) returned home alone, his daughter Erigone set out to search for her father and, finding him dead, resolved to hang herself. The dog also died.

The first stage of the story is depicted in a mosaic in the House of Dionysus, in Nea Paphos in Cyprus , where one sees Icarius, in the middle, with an ox-cart full of wineskins and, to the right, the drunken shepherds (Fig. 9). The mosaic anticipates the association of Icarius and the cart of, in this case, flagons of wine with the body and tail of Ursa Maior on Vopel's printed globe (Fig. 10). (51)

Vopel has here combined the story of Icarius with another tale connected with the seven stars of Ursa Maior, known in antiquity as the Wagon or Wain or by its Roman name Plaustrum. (52)

 


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Fig. 9. Panel with Dionysos (on the left) presenting the gift of wine to Icarius (in the middle) who holds the reins of an oxcart filled with wineskins. On the right are two shepherds, the first wine drinkers according to the inscription, who became drunk after tasting the gift. From a mosaic in the House of Dionysus, in Nea Paphos in Cyprus . (Reproduced with permission from the Director of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus .)


 


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Fig. 10. The Wagon (Plaustrum) on Vopel's printed globe of 1536. The Arabic name Alkor and the Latin name of ‘Reiterlein’, Equitator, are placed above the rider on the middle horse. (Reproduced with permission from the Director of the Graphische Sammlung of the Kölnische Stadtmuseum.)


 

Hyginus also mentions this star group in his description in Book II.2 of myths related to Ursa Minor.

Those who first observed the heavens and assigned the stars to a particular figure named this constellation the Wagon, not the Bear, because two of its seven stars, being similar and very close together, are said to be oxen, while the remaining five resemble a wagon. For this reason, those who assigned names wished to call the sign closest to that constellation Bootes. (53)

Vopel's image of a four-wheeled cart pulled by three horses instead of oxen is not completely in line with this classical description. The horse-drawn cart recalls the (mirror) image of the Wagon in various publications of Peter Apian from 1524 onwards, where it served to illustrate how to find the location of the pole star (Fig. 11). (54)

In addition to the seven stars of the Wagon, the stellar configuration includes a faint star (80 / g UMa) not recorded in the Ptolemaic catalogue. This faint star is placed adjacent to the bright Ptolemaic star (UMa 26 / ζ UMa) above the middle horse (close to the letter H) labelled ALCOR. In the text accompanying Apian's Wagon, the faint star is referred to by its German name ‘Reiterlein’ (the driver). (55)

On Vopel's globe the faint star is not marked, but the slightly differently spelled Arabic name Alkor and the Latin name of ‘Reiterlein’—Equitator—are placed above the rider on one of the horses, as if they are meant to refer to this image rather than to a specific star (see Fig. 10). (56)

Vopel's use of Apian's works, in particular of his Quadrans astronomicus of 1532 or his Instrument Buch of 1533, is underlined by the presentation of Lyra as a bird with a stringed instrument across its body (Fig. 12). (57)



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Fig. 11. The Wagon (bottom group) in Peter Apian, Quadrans astronomicus, Ingolstadt , 1532, is made up of the seven well-known Ptolemaic stars and a faint non-Ptolemaic star, labelled ALCOR. It is pulled by three horses with a driver on the middle horse. (Reproduced with permission from the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München.)



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Fig. 12. Lyra presented as a bird with a stringed instrument held horizontally over its body. Left, on Vopel's printed globe of 1536. Right, in Peter Apian, Quadrans astronomicus, Ingolstadt , 1532. (Reproduced with permission from the Director of the Graphische Sammlung of the Kölnische Stadtmuseum, and the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München, respectively.)


 

 

The remaining attribute of Boötes to account for is his dogs. (58)

The myth connecting Boötes with Icarius does not apply, since it mentions only one dog, Maera, which is to be identified with Canis Minor. (59)

Boötes's two dogs may have emerged from an attempt to make sense of a difficult phrase in Gerard of Cremona's Ptolemaic star catalogue of Boo 8 (μ Boo), although we have no direct evidence to support such a hypothesis. (60)

Be that as it may, Boötes's dogs were not uncommon in the Renaissance. Two dogs are part of the image of Boötes as a young man in the fifteenth-century illustrated manuscript in Florence . (61)

Two dogs are also portrayed on Stöffler's celestial globe of 1493, and on Schöner's wood-cut globe gores of 1515. (62)

Apian included two dogs as part of Boötes on the unusual celestial map published in his Horoscopion generale of 1533 and three dogs on the planispheres of 1536 and 1540. (63)

Thus the dogs had become a regular feature of the iconography of Boötes on maps and globes by the time Vopel published his celestial globe.

Rather more central to the present discussion than these features are Vopel's images for the Lock of Hair and Antinous. Coma Berenices comprises three unformed stars (Leo 6e–8e) described in the Ptolemaic catalogue as part of the nebulous mass called Πλóκαμος (Lock of Hair) between the edges of Ursa Maior and Leo (Fig. 13). (64)

Legend has it that the Lock of Hair was placed among the stars by Conon the mathematician (fl. 245 bc) to sooth Ptolemy III Euergetes of Egypt, whose wife Queen Berenice II (273–221 bc) had made a votive offering of a lock of her hair for his safe return from war. When Ptolemy arrived home, the lock was placed in the temple but, alas, on the following day it could not be found and the loss greatly upset the king.



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Fig. 13. Coma Berenices on Vopel's printed globe of 1536, with a tiny figure in the centre personifing Berenice's Lock of Hair. (Reproduced with permission from the Director of the Graphische Sammlung of the Kölnische Stadtmuseum.)


 

The drama was described by the Alexandrian poet Callimachus (first half of the third century bc) in a poem of which only a fragment survives. It remained known through a Latin version by the Roman poet Gaius Valerius Catullus (c.82–c.52 bc). (65)

A pupil of Callimachus, Eratosthenes (c.276–c.195 bc), included the story in a now-lost work on constellation myths, of which only an Epitome survives today. (66)

The legend is also recorded in Hyginus's Poeticon Astronomicon. (67)

Although Berenice's Lock of Hair is thus well attested in literary sources, no images of it are known before Vopel put it on his globe. (68)

The little female figure shown in the centre of the lock (see Fig. 13) presumably represents its personification as expressed in Catullus's poem: ‘that same Conon saw me on the floor of heaven, / me a lock from the head of Berenice’. (69)

A similarly prominent myth adopted by Vopel concerned Antinous, the figure composed of the six unformed stars (Aql 1e–6e) below Aquila (Fig. 14). (70)

This asterism is believed to have been introduced by the Roman emperor Hadrian (76–138 ad) in honour of his favourite, Antinous. This young man had been born in the Roman province of Bithynia , and in 130 he drowned himself in the Nile River , presumably inspired by the belief that Hadrian's life might thus be prolonged. The story is told in the Roman History by Dio Cassius (c.155–after 229), a Roman senator also born and raised in Bithynia (at Nicaea ), and in the Historia Augusta, a collection of biographical texts that includes a life of Hadrian by an unknown author. (71)

 



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Fig. 14. Antinous, the favourite of the Roman emperor Hadrian, on Vopel's printed globe of 1536, shown on his knees at the point of drowning himself. (Reproduced with permission from the Director of the Graphische Sammlung of the Kölnische Stadtmuseum.)


 

 

Although Ptolemy did not tell the story of Antinous, his star catalogue is the only known astronomical work to mention the name. As a contemporary of Hadrian, Ptolemy must have been well acquainted with the many statues and coins that surrounded the deification of Antinous. (72)

One reason for the absence of Antinous's story from the corpus of astronomical legend that dominated the Middle Ages may be the relative lateness of the episode in Roman history. Another could be Christian ideas of retribution for the emperor's presumed unlawful pleasures. (73)

Whatever the explanation, the fact remains that the image of Antinous was lacking from celestial cartography until Vopel added it to his representation of the sky. Moreover, Vopel's image does not allude to Antinous as an ephebe but shows him just before the dramatic act of drowning himself, an image that was without precedent and that may have been invented by Vopel himself.

Legend and myth, we see from these paragraphs, are common denominators in the series of iconographic peculiarities introduced by Vopel on his printed globe. They reflect his use of a wide variety of sources: Hyginus's Poeticon Astronomicon, contemporary works by Peter Apian, books on history recounting the story of Antinous and the poem by Catullus describing Berenice's lock of hair. The invention of the printing press meant that classical accounts of the mythology of the constellations, together with other works by classical authors, had become accessible to a wide audience. Relatively easy access to such source material encouraged the makers of celestial globes to depart from established tradition, a trend well illustrated by Vopel's ventures in celestial cartography.

 

Humanism

 

What drove Vopel to add the images of Antinous and Berenice's Lock of Hair to his globe? The major factor may have been his use of Trapezuntius's 1528 edition of the Ptolemaic star catalogue, on page 75 verso of which we find in the last column of the catalogue entries (used by the editor for additional information and easy reference), the following names: Aquila, Antinous, Delphinus, Equus prior and Equus Pegasus— all names of constellations except for Antinous (Fig. 15). (74)

The inclusion of Antinous among well-known constellations, suggesting that it is on a par with the others, can be taken as a straightforward invitation to give Antinous his own image. This inference is supported by the description in the catalogue proper, which refers to Informatae circa Aquilam in quibus est Antinous [The unformed stars around Aquila that form Antinous].

 


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Fig. 15. Page 75 verso from Trapezuntius's edition of the star catalogue in Ptolemy's Syntaxis mathematica ( Venice , 1528). The names Aquila , Antinous, Delphinus, Equus prior and Equus Pegasus are listed in the last column. (Reproduced with permission from the Bibiotheek der Universiteit Groningen.)


 

The editor of the 1528 star catalogue has added a most interesting piece of information in the last column of the catalogue entry on folio 78 recto that describes the unformed stars Leo 6e–8e which form Berenice's Lock of Hair:

Plocamos grece latine uero cincinnus hoc est caesaries & coma uirginis Berenices fortasse crinis qui a poeta callimacho in astra relatus est: Sed cincinnum barbari tricam uocant. (75)

[What] in Greek [is called] plokamos in Latin [is] in fact [indicated by the term] cincinnus (lock of hair), which refers to the beautiful curl (caesaries) and hair (coma) of the virgin Berenice, possibly the lock of hair (crinis) that was placed by the poet Callimachus among the stars. The barbarians, however, call the lock of hair with the term trica.

Next to the Greek Plocamos (Lock of hair) this text presents a number of Latin words for hair and lock of hair used by classical authors: cincinnus, caesaries, coma (of the virgin), and crinis (of Berenice). It continues by saying that the poet Callimachus told that the Lock of hair was placed among the stars. The note concludes by remarking that the ‘barbarians’ used trica to name the Lock of hair. This alternative Latin word for hair was used in the Arabic-Latin translation of Ptolemy's star catalogue, the translators of which are here referred to as ‘barbarians’, because in the eyes of the humanists they wrote ‘bad’ Latin. (76)

On Vopel's manuscript globe the unformed stars Leo 6e to 8e are labelled Cincinnis id est Caesaries & / Coma Virginis. Graece / Πλóκαμος, indicating that Vopel had already made use of the note in the 1528 edition of Trapezuntius's star catalogue while preparing his manuscript globe. Why Vopel then chose the name BERENICES CRINIS for his printed globe is not clear. It could have been because Crinis was the name used by Hyginus, among other Roman authors. (77)

The significance of Vopel's espousal of Trapezuntius's star catalogue is underlined by the publishing enterprises of the humanist Johannes van Bronckhorst (1494–1570). Van Bronckhorst was born in Nijmegen and is thus also known as Johannes Noviomagus. He studied in Cologne and from 1531 to 1542 taught at the Montana bursa, the college where Vopel was also working. (78)

He then became professor in mathematics at the university in Rostock , where he held a number of positions. In 1546 he was made rector of the famous Latin school in Deventer . To escape religious prosecution he returned in 1569 to Cologne where he died a year later. (79)

The University of Cologne was not particularly noted in the early sixteenth century as a humanist centre, but humanist instruction was not entirely lacking in the bursae. (80)

Many of the textbooks published or edited in Cologne by Noviomagus served humanist education. Such books included treatises on dialectics by famous humanists as Lorenzo Valla (1405 or 1407–1457), Rudolf Agricola (1444–1485), and Trapezuntius. (81)

Other publications by Noviomagus show that his interests were not limited to the subjects of the trivium. In 1533 he is said to have published a treatise on the astrolabe and in 1537 an edition of Bede's De temporum ratione. (82)

Also published in 1537 was his adaptation of Ptolemy's star catalogue. (83)

In 1539 he produced a book on arithmetic, and in 1540 he published a translation into Latin of the text of Ptolemy's Geography. (84)

Noviomagus's astronomical work of 1537 opens with an introduction on the rudiments of astronomy (his Isagoge). It is followed by Books VII and VIII.1–3, copied from the printed edition of 1528 of Trapezuntius's translation of Ptolemy's Syntaxis mathematica. Books VII.5 to VIII.1 deal with the catalogue proper, while the other chapters (VII.1–4 and VIII.2–3) discuss various aspects of the stars. Books VIII.4–6 are ignored. He ends with some additional notes after chapter VIII.3.

Of special interest is the fact that the longitudes of the stars listed in Noviomagus's catalogue were adjusted to a later epoch by the addition of a precession correction of 19° 50′ to the longitudes of the stars, precisely the amount I established fifteen years ago for Vopel's printed globe of 1536. (85)

In terms of the Alfonsine trepidation theory then in use, the precession correction of 19° 50´ holds for an epoch of about 1520, which coincides with the beginning of the reign of Charles V as Holy Roman emperor. Had a precession correction been used for an epoch equal to the date of production, about 1536–1537, one could have argued that Noviomagus had calculated this amount independently, but this does not hold for an epoch of about 1520. (86)

Noviomagus almost certainly followed Vopel in this respect.

Noviomagus appears to have shared with Vopel an interest in globe construction, witness his discussion at the end of Book VIII.3 (in which Ptolemy describes how to construct a precession globe) on the making of a common globe. Noviomagus refers, for example, to the method of globe-gore construction described by Henricus Glareanus (1488–1563) in his De Geographia. (87)

Considering that both men worked in the same college, their common interests seem to imply some sort of related activity.

Further research is needed to clarify the relationship between the artisan Vopel and the text editor Noviomagus, but on the face of it their shared interests would seem to point to an active humanist interest in celestial mapping in Cologne . The actual situation, however, is far from clear. Two recently discovered maps, corresponding to those referred to in the title of Noviomagus's 1537 star catalogue as depicting the ‘barbarian’ sphere of Albrecht Dürer, seem to belie this humanist interest. (88)

For Dürer's maps are based on the Arabic-Latin tradition of the Ptolemaic star catalogue that, in the eyes of the sixteenth-century humanist, was held to be ‘bad’ Latin. Such maps would hardly have been considered fitting illustration for a humanist work. Furthermore, it cannot be said that Vopel produced a humanist celestial globe.

Vopel was not affected by the attitude of those humanists in the liberal arts who completely rejected, as had the botanist Otto Brunfels (1464–1534), for example, the adoption of Arabic-Latin text traditions. (89)

Considering the long history of the Arabic-Latin legacy of star names, it would have been impossible not to borrow to some extent from the ‘barbarian’, ‘bad’ Latin, tradition. The use of Greek names for many constellations (eighteen in all) and for some stars (α Leo, α Vir and α Sco) on Vopel's maps reflects at the same time the increasing impact of humanist tendencies in nomenclature in celestial cartography.

 

Vopel's Influence on Later Work

 

Of the various iconographic novelties on Vopel's printed globe only the images of Antinous, Coma Berenices and the Kids survived to later centuries. The visual representation of these asterisms made it easier to identify their specific groups of stars and enhanced the functionality of a globe unlike, say, the image of a goat eating from a vine above Boötes that had no association with any stars in the Ptolemaic catalogue. It is not easy to understand why Vopel added this particular image to his printed globe and maps. There is no evidence that the goat-eating image appealed to other sixteenth-century globemakers, and more information is needed before an explanation can be offered.

The images of Antinous and Coma Berenices were taken over by many sixteenth-century globe- and map-makers. They were depicted on the celestial globes of Gerard Mercator (1551), Tilmann Stella (1555), Christian Heiden (1570), and on the various manuscript globes by Eberhard Baldewein in the third quarter of the sixteenth century and by Jost Bürgi in the last quarter, and feature in Johannes Bayer's influential star atlas Uranometria of 1603. (90)

Mercator re-designed the Lock of Hair, and his authority as a cartographer ensured the continuing use of the images of Coma Berenices and Antinous on Dutch globes from 1589 onwards. (91)

Mercator's design for the Lock of Hair is a useful guide to his influence on later maps and globes.

The maps of Jost Amman (1564) and Jan Januszowki (1585) show Vopel's design of the Lock of Hair but do not include the figure of Antinous. (92)

In contrast, the copperplate gores of Demongenet (c.1560) depict only Antinous. Here, though, Antinous is reclining on a low couch, a pose that recalls the unusual portrayal of Antinous on the now lost ‘Masson cornaline’. (93)

A similar pose is found on the manuscript globes based on Demongenet's globe gores. (94)

The Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe (1546–1601) recorded Antinous as an independent constellation in his authoritative star catalogue. (95)

This catalogue was the outcome of an ambitious programme Brahe had set up to ‘restore the heavens’, that is, to improve existing knowledge through first hand observation. To this end, Brahe equipped his Uraniborg observatory, on the island of Hven , with accurate astronomical instruments and invited students, among whom were the Dutch globemakers Arnold Floris van Langren and Willem Jansz Blaeu, to participate. (96)

Once completed, Tycho's catalogue replaced the Ptolemaic one. It was the basis of all celestial cartography throughout the seventeenth century.

In Prodromus Astronomiae ( Danzig , 1690), the star catalogue published posthumously by the Polish astronomer Johannes Hevelius (1611–1687), both Antinous and Coma Berenices appear as independent constellations. (97)

The two star groups continued to be displayed regularly on celestial maps and globes until 1928 when, at the Leiden meeting of the International Astronomical Union, it was agreed to reduce the more than one hundred constellations then in use to eighty-eight. (98)

Antinous was sacrificed and removed from the celestial scene. Berenice's Lock of Hair, though, was allowed to remain in modern celestial cartography, testimony to a time when globe- and map-makers continued to look to the ancients for new data, a trend in astronomy that would come to an end at the turn of the sixteenth century by the explorations of the southern sky and Tycho's restoration of the heavens.

 

Acknowledgement

 

I gratefully acknowledge the invaluable advice in matters of nomenclature offered by Paul Kunitzsch. James Sykes has generously provided me with material for studying his globe (G4); Catherine Slowther of Sotheby's kindly provided me with pictures of the G2 globe gores; Peter Meurer made a number of interesting comments; and Rita Wagner, Director of the Graphische Sammlung at the Kölnische Stadtmuseum, has allowed me to use photographs acquired many years ago.

 

 

Appendix 1. Description of the Printed Globes

G1. CELESTIAL GLOBE

Vedi:  https://www.bildindex.de/document/obj05741338 e http://www.atlascoelestis.com/Anonimo%20vopel%201536%20base.htm, nota di Atlascoelestis

 

Woodcut, Ø sphere 29 cm , 1536. Cologne , Kölnisches Stadtmuseum. (99)

Above Auriga [lon 75°, lat 60°] is an inscription in a cartouche with the coat of arms of Cologne on top and two lions at the sides: CASPAR. VO/PEL. MEDEBACH / HANC. COSMOGRA: / faciebat sphæram. / Coloniæ. A°. 1536. South of the tail of Cetus [lon 345°, lat−60°] is an empty cartouche consisting of a rectangular field with decorations around it. (100)

Cartography: Language: Latin. Coordinates: circles of latitude every 30° (gore edges). The ecliptic is graduated [twelve times 0°–30°; numbered every 10°, division 1°]. The boundaries of the zodiac are indicated by two parallels north and south to the ecliptic. The symbols of the zodiacal signs are marked north of the zodiacal constellations. The equator is graduated [0°–360°, numbered every 10°, division 1°] and labelled: AEQVATOR. The tropics are drawn and labelled: TROPICVS CANCRI and TROPICVS CAPRI :. The polar circles are drawn, but not labelled. The colures are incompletely drawn and not labelled.

Astronomical notes: All 48 Ptolemaic constellations are drawn and labelled: VRSA MINOR, VRSA MAIOR, DRACO, CEPHEVS, BOOTES, CORONA, HERCVLES, LYRA, CYGNVS, CASSIEPEIA, PERSEVS, ERICHTHONIVS, SERPENTARIVS, SERPENS, TELVM, AQVILA, DELPHINVS, EQVICVLVS, PEGASVS, ANDROMEDA, DELTOTON, ARIES, TAVRVS, GEMINI, CANCER, LEO, VIRGO, LIBRA, SCORPIVS, SAGITTARIVS, CAPRICORNVS, AQVARIVS, PISCES, CETVS, ORION, ERIDANVS, LEPVS, CANIS MAIOR, PROCYON, ARGO NAVIS, HYDRA, CRATER, CORVVS, CENTAVRVS, FERA, ARA, CORONA AVSTR, NOTIVS PISOIS [sic]. In addition there are labels for a number of star groups: PLAVSTRVM (UMa), C. MEDVS(AE) (Per), Hædi (Aur), Vergiliæ (Tau), Succulæ (Tau), Præsepe (Cnc), Asini (Cnc), Vrna (Aqr), NODVS (Psc); and for the Milky Way: GALAXIAS. Also the groups of unformed stars belonging to Aquila and Leo are labelled respectively ANTINOVS and BERENICES CRINIS.

The stars are presented by six different marks to indicate their brightness or magnitude. There is a table in front of Ursa Maior, labelled Stella(rum) magnitudines, with magnitudes from 1 to 6. The stars are numbered, following the order of their description in the Ptolemaic star catalogue. Two extra, non-Ptolemaic stars, in Taurus, numbered 34 and 35, seem to belong to the Pleiades. There are planetary symbols for astrological associations and many stars are labelled: Abrachaleus (β Gem), Aldebaran (α Tau), Alderámín (α Cep), Algomeÿsa (α CMi), Algorab (γ Crv), Alhabor (α CMa), Alhaior (α Aur), Alkayr (α Aql), Alkor / Equitator (near ζ UMa), Alphard (α Hya), Alpherath (α And), Alpheta (α CrB), Alrukaba (α UMi), Anhelar (α Gem), ARCTVRVS / Azimech aramer (α Boo), Bata kaÿtos (ζ Cet), Benenatz (η UMa), CANOPVS (α Car), Deneb adigege (α Cyg), Denebeleced (β Leo), Dubhe (α UMa), Fomahant (α PsA), Markab (α Peg), Mirach (β And), Præuindemiatrix (ϵ Vir), Propus (η Gem), Rass aben (γ Dra), Rass alangue (α Oph), Rass algethi (α Her), Rigel (β Ori), Riss alioth (ϵ UMa), SPICA / Azimech (α Vir), Vuega (α Lyr).

Iconographic features: The style follows that of Dürer but with a number of variations: a cart pulled by horses in the body and tail of Ursa Maior; the Kids in Auriga; six tiny female heads illustrating the Pleiades in Taurus; the two Asses in Cancer illustrating the Asini; and Lyra as a bird with a stringed instrument horizontally over its body. Boötes has a lance, a sickle and hunting dogs, and a goat is eating the leaves of a vine above his head. One of the Gemini has a lyre or a similar instrument with bow, and there are images of Antinous and Coma Berenices, comprising the unformed stars belonging to Aquila and Leo, respectively.

G2. CELESTIAL GLOBE GORES

Nota: vedi http://www.atlascoelestis.com/Anonimo%20vopel%201536%20base.htm, nota di Atlascoelestis

 

Copper engraved, Ø sphere 29 cm , c.1660. Private collection (Sotheby's) and an incomplete copy in Stuttgart , Landesbibliothek, Nicolai Collection. (101)

Above Auriga [lon 75°, lat 60°] is an inscription in a cartouche with a coat of arms on top and two lions at the sides: SPHAERA / ASTRONOMICA / aeri exarata, sicut / eam olim exhibuit Cas/par Vopelius Cosmogr. South of the tail of Cetus [lon 345°, lat−60°] is an empty cartouche consisting of a rectangular field with decorations around it.

Cartography: The same as Vopel 1536 (G1).

Astronomical notes: Almost the same as Vopel 1536 (G1), but the name of the constellation Aquila is missing and two constellation names have variant spellings: CASSIOPEIA and NOTIVS PISCIS. The star name of α Aql is missing.

Iconographic features: Almost the same as Vopel 1536 (G1). The Pleiades in Taurus are illustrated by four instead of six tiny female heads.

 

G3. CELESTIAL GLOBE GORES

Copper engraved, Ø sphere 29 cm , second half of sixteenth century. Stuttgart , Landesbibliothek, Nicolai Collection. (102)

Above Auriga [lon 75°, lat 60°] is an empty cartouche with a coat of arms on top and two lions at the sides. South of the tail of Cetus [lon 345°, lat−60°] is another empty cartouche, consisting of a rectangular field with decorations around it.

Cartography: The same as Vopel 1536 (G1).

Astronomical notes: Almost the same as that of Vopel 1536 (G1). The title of the magnitude table in front of Ursa Maior is missing. Five constellation names are missing (Cygnus, Cassiopeia, Delphinus, Navis, Hydra), and five constellation names have a variant spelling: CAEPHE(VS), LIRA, ERIOTONIVS, CANIS MINOR, NOTIVS PISCIS. The image of Antinous is drawn but not labelled. Only three subgroups are labelled: C. MEDVSAE (Per), VERGILIE (Tau) and VRNA (Aqr). Many stars are missing and only one star name is engraved: MARKAB (α Peg).

Iconographic features: Almost the same as Vopel 1536 (G1). The Kids in Auriga are absent, and the Pleiades in Taurus are illustrated by five instead of six tiny female heads.

Nota 101 e 102 (a cura di Atlascoelestis)

101. Sotheby's, Catalogue Natural History, Travel, Atlases and Maps ( Sale L08401), London , New Bond Street , 8 May 2008, Lot 78. Peter van der Krogt, ‘The globe-gores in the Nicolai-Collection ( Stuttgart )’, Der Globusfreund 33/34 (1985): 99–116, esp. 112, no. 19.

102. Van der Krogt, ‘The globe-gores in the Nicolai-Collection’ (see note 101), 112–13, no. 20.

 

 

 

 

G4. CELESTIAL GLOBE

Woodcut, Ø sphere 29 cm , c.1575. New York , Private collection.

There is an empty cartouche south of the tail of Cetus [lon 345°, lat−60°] consisting of a rectangular field with decorations around it.

Cartography: Almost the same as Vopel 1536 (G1). The tropics are labelled TROPICVS CANCRI and TROPICVS CAPRICOR[NVS]. The polar circles are labelled CIRCVLVS ARCTICVS and CIRCVLVS ANTARCTICVS. Around the South Pole are two incomplete labels: one for the winter solstitial colure: SOLSTITIO and another for the vernal equinoctial colure: COLVRVS. Outside the constellations most circles are covered by paint.

Astronomical notes: Almost the same as that of Vopel 1536 (G1). The title of the magnitude table in front of Ursa Maior is missing (but it might be covered by paint). Missing are two constellation names (Ursa Minor and Cancer) and the name of the Hyades in Taurus. Only five stars are labelled: ARCTVRVS (α Boo), SPICA (α Vir), CANOPVS (α Car), HIRCVS (α Aur) and ACARNAR (θ Eri).

Iconographic features: Almost the same as Vopel 1536 (G1), but here one finds in addition the image of a young man representing Phaeton at the end of Eridanus.

 

Appendix 2. Description of the Maps

 

M1. A PAIR OF CELESTIAL MAPS included on the world map by Jeronimo de Girava ( Milan , 1556), derived from Vopel's world map of 1545. Woodcut, 28.5 × 40.5 cm . London , British Library, Maps C.54.d.14. (103)

Vedi: http://www.atlascoelestis.com/Girava%201556.htm, nota di Atlascoelestis

 

 

1) Northern hemisphere in the left lower corner of the world map.

 

A) Cartography: Polar stereographic projection: from the north ecliptic pole to south of the ecliptic to include the zodiacal constellations. Coordinates: circles of latitude every 30°. The ecliptic is graduated [twelve times 0°–30°; not numbered, division 3°]. The part of equator north of the ecliptic is drawn. The north polar circle, the Tropic of Cancer and the equinoctial colures are drawn but not labelled.

 

B) Astronomical notes: All northern and zodiacal Ptolemaic constellations are drawn. There are no labels.

 

C) Iconographic features: The style follows that of Dürer but with some differences: Lyra is a headless bird (note that the orientation of the string instrument differs from that on Vopel's globe by being placed vertically over the body, as on Dürer's map); Boötes is presented with lance, club and hunting dogs; one of the Gemini has a lyre or similar instrument without bow. In addition there are images of Antinous and Coma Berenices comprising the unformed stars belonging to Aquila and Leo, respectively.

 

2) Southern hemisphere in the right lower corner of the world map.

 

A) Cartography: Polar stereographic projection: from the south ecliptic pole to the ecliptic. Coordinates: circles of latitude every 30°. The ecliptic is graduated [twelve times 0°–30°; not numbered, division 3°]. The part of equator south of the ecliptic is drawn. The south polar circle, the Tropic of Capricorn and the colures are drawn but not labelled.

 

B) Astronomical notes: All southern Ptolemaic constellations are drawn. There are no labels.

 

C) Iconographic features: A cloud of smoke rises from Ara and a swimming maiden is at the end of Eridanus.

 

 

M2. A PAIR OF CELESTIAL MAPS included on the world map by Giovanni Andrea Valvassore ( Venice , 1558), derived from Vopel's world map of 1545. Woodcut, 12 sheets; 112.5 × 194 cm . Houghton Library, Harvard University , 51*-2577P. (104)

Vedi: http://www.atlascoelestis.com/Valvassori%201558.htm, nota di Atlascoelestis

 

See Plates 7 and 8

 

1) Northern hemisphere in the lower left corner of the world map entitled: IMAGINES CELI SEPTEN / TRIONALES CVM DVODECIM / IMAGINIBVS ZODIACI. Outside the map are two figures. One, labelled PTOLOME / VS / AEGYP / TIVS, wears a top hat and holds a pair of dividers with a celestial globe in his left hand. The other figure, labelled AZOPHI / ARABVS, wears a turban and holds a celestial globe in both hands.

 

A) Cartography: Polar stereographic projection from the north ecliptic pole to south of the ecliptic to include the zodiacal constellations. Language: Latin and Greek. Coordinates: circles of latitude every 30°. The ecliptic is graduated [twelve times 0°–30°; numbered every 5°, division 1°]. The names and symbols of the zodiacal signs are absent. The part of equator north of the ecliptic is drawn. It is not graduated and not labelled. The north equatorial pole is labelled Polus mundi Arcticus. The north polar circle is drawn and labelled: Circ Arcticus. The Tropic of Cancer is drawn and labelled: Tropicus Cancri. The equinoctial colures (not labelled) are drawn from the vernal to the autumnal equinox passing through the north equatorial pole. The solstitial colures (labelled Colurus Solsticiorum) coincide with the circle of latitude passing through the north ecliptic and equatorial pole.

 

B) Astronomical notes: All northern and zodiacal Ptolemaic constellations are drawn, and all but one (Draco) are labelled: VRSA MIN / Greek name; VRSA MAIOR / Helice; CEPHEVS; BOOTES / Greek name; CORONA; HERCVLES / Greek name; LYRA, AVIS / Greek name; CASSIOPEIA; PERSEVS; ERICHTHONIVS / Auriga; OPHIVCH / serpentarius; ANGVIS; TELVM; AQVILA; DELPHINVS; EQVICVLVS; PEGASVS; ANDROMEDA; DELTOTON; ARIES / Greek name; TAVRVS / Greek name; GEMINI; CANCER / Greek name; LEO; VIRGO / Greek name; LIBRA / Greek name; SCORPIO / Greek name; SAGITARIVS / Greek name; CAPRICORNVS / Greek name; AQVARIVS / Greek name; PISCES / Greek name. Also the groups of unformed stars belonging to Aquila and Leo are labelled respectively: ANTINOVS and BERENICES CRINIS / Greek name. Outside the hemisphere, below Sagittarius, is the text: Ante genu Sagitarij Corona est constituta quam Vraniscum vo. There are labels for a number of star groups: Plaustrum (located near the head of Ursa Maior), C. ALGOL (Per), Præsepe (Cnc), Asini (Cnc), Vrna (Aqr), Nodvs coelestis / Greek name (Psc), and for the Milky Way: GALAXIAS.

 

C) The stars are presented by six different marks to indicate their brightness or magnitude. Outside the map, below Sagittarius, is a table labelled Stellarum magnitudines, with magnitudes from 1–6, and alongside these the number of stars within each magnitude class [15, 45, 208, 474, 217, 49]. The stars of the Pleiades are missing. There are planetary symbols for astrological associations, and many stars are labelled: Abrachaleus / Herculis (β Gem), Aldebaran (α Tau), Alhaior (α Aur), Alioth (ϵ UMa), Alkair (α Aql), Alkor/ Equitator (near ζ UMa), Alrucuba (α UMi), Anhelar / Apolinis (α Gem), Arcturus / Azimech aramer / Alramech (α Boo), Benenatz (η UMa), Capra (α Aur), Deneb algedi (δ Cap), Denebeneced (β Leo), Dubhe (α UMa), Fomahant (α PsA), Makab (α Peg), Mirach (β And), Propus (η Gem), Rass Alangue (α Oph), Regulus / Cabalezet / Greek name (α Leo), Rasdagel (β Per), Scheat (δ Aqr), SPICA / Azimech / Greek name (α Vir), Stella polaris (α UMi), Vindemiator (ϵ Vir), Greek name for Antares (α Sco).

 

D) Iconographic features: The style follows that of Dürer but with some differences: Lyra is a headless bird (note that the orientation of the string instrument differs from that on Vopel's globe by being being placed vertically over the body, as on Dürer's map); Boötes is presented with lance, sickle and hunting dogs, and a goat is eating leaves from a vine above his head; one of the Gemini has a lyre or similar instrument without bow. In addition there are images of Antinous and Coma Berenices comprising the unformed stars belonging to Aquila and Leo, respectively.

 

2) Southern hemisphere in the lower right corner of the world map entitled: IMAGINES CELLI / MERIDIONALIS. Outside the map are two figures. One, labelled M. MANILIVS / OMANVS [sic], wears a headband and holds a celestial globe in his left hand. The other, labelled ARATVS / CILIX, wears a hood and has a celestial globe on front of him.

 

A) Cartography: Polar stereographic projection: from the south ecliptic pole to the ecliptic. Language: Latin and Greek. Coordinates: circles of latitude every 30°. The ecliptic is graduated [twelve times 0°–30°; numbered every 5°, division 1°]. The south ecliptic pole is labelled: Polus Zodiaci. The part of equator south of the ecliptic is drawn. It is labelled: PARS CIRC AEQVINOC but it is not graduated. The south equatorial pole is labelled: POLVS mundi antarct. The south polar circle is drawn and labelled: CIRC. ANTARCTI. The Tropic of Capricorn is drawn and labelled: TROPICVS CAPRICOR. The equinoctial colures, labelled COLVRVS AEQVINOCTIORVM, are drawn from the autumnal to the vernal equinox passing through the south equatorial pole. The solstitial colures, labelled COLVRVS SOLSTICIORVM, coincide with the circle of latitude passing through the south ecliptic and equatorial pole. Below the title is a nonlinear latitude scale, labelled: REGVLA LATITVDINVM STELLARVM [0°–90°; numbered every 10°, division 1°].

 

B) Astronomical notes: All southern Ptolemaic constellations are drawn and labelled: CETVS / Balena Pristis Leo marinus, ORION, ERIDANVS, LEPVS / Greek name, CANIS MAIO, CANIS MI. / Greek name, ARGO, HYDRA, CRATER, CORVVS, CENTAV. / Phyllirides Chiron, FERA / Greek name, ARA/ Greek name, CORONA AV / Greek name, PISCIS NOTIVS. Close to Corona Australis is the text: Hanc nonnulli Vraniscum vocauere. There are labels for a number of star groups: Succulæ / Greek name (Tau), Tauri caput (Tau), Geminorum stellæ (Gem), Scorpij stellæ (Sco), Nebula Scorpij (Sco), Sagitta (Sgr), Cauda Capricorni (Cap) and Nodvs coelestis (Psc); and for the Milky Way: Via lactea.

 

C) The stars are presented by six different marks to indicate their brightness or magnitude. There are planetary symbols for astrological associations, and many stars are labelled: Acarnar (θ Eri), Aldebaran / Greek name spelled Λαμπαδιας (α Tau), Algomeysa (α CMi), Algorab (γ Crv), Alphard (α Hya), Angetenar (τ Eri), Bata Kaitos (ζ Cet), Bedelgeuze (α Ori), CANOP (α Car), Deneb algedi (δ Cap), Deneb Kaytos (β Cet), Fomahant (α PsA), Menkar (α Cet), Rigel / Algebar (β Ori), the Greek name for Antares (α Sco).

 

D) Iconographic features: The style follows Dürer but with two deviations: a cloud of smoke rises from Ara and a swimming maiden is at the end of Eridanus.

 

M3. A PAIR OF CELESTIAL MAPS included on the world map by Matteo Pagano ( Venice , after 1558). Woodcut, 2 sheets; 51.5 × 77 cm . London , British Library, Maps C.7.c.17. (105)

( Nota di Atlascoelestis): Due diverse tavole

1) vedi http://www.myoldmaps.com/376-universale.pdf:

 

 

2) in

Cosmographia Universalis et Exactissima iuxta postremam neotericorum traditio[n]em. A Iacobo Castaldio nonnullisque aliis huius disciplinæ peritissimis nunc [pr]imum revisa ac infinitis fere in locis correcta et locupletata.

Author: Giacomo di Gastaldi

Contributor: Paolo Forlani;
Matteo Pagano

Subjects: World - -- Maps and charts -- 1561

Publication Details: [Venice?] : [Matteo Pagano], [ca. 1561] 

Language: Latin

Description: Contents: A woodcut map of the world on an elliptical projection; marginal decoration includes portraits of Ptolemy and Strabo, and the celestial and terrestrial hemispheres. On the sheet covering the North Atlantic is a depiction of Philip II of Spain in which the initials 'P.F.D.' are cut, which may be identifiable as those of Paolo Forlani, an engraver in Venice in the 1560s. 

Identifier: System number: 005015603 

Notes: The date of the map is assumed from the publication by Matteo Pagano of a booklet by Gastaldi, “La Universale Descrittione del Mondo” (1561), in which a similar world map is described. 
The seven cartouches are left blank. 

Physical Description: 1 map on 9 sheets ; sheets 45 x 40 cm. 

Holdings Notes: Cartographic Items Maps R.17.a.9. [A photocopy] 

Shelfmark(s): Cartographic Items Maps C.18.n.1. 
Cartographic Items Maps R.17.a.9. 

UIN: BLL01005015603

 

 

1) Northern hemisphere in the upper left corner of the world map.

 

A) Cartography: Almost the same as Valvassore 1558 (M2). The north equatorial pole is labelled Polus mundi Arturus [sic] and the north polar circle Circ Articus [sic] .

 

B) Astronomical notes: Almost the same as Valvassore 1558 (M2). There is no magnitude table, and the text on Corona is missing. No Greek names are given for Ursa Minor, Hercules, Cygnus, Aries, Capricornus, and a number of variant spellings are found: ERCVLES, LIRA, CASIOPEA, DELFINVS, DELTOTO, PICES. Three names of subgroups are missing (Præsepe, Asini and Nodvs coelestis with its Greek name) and the Milky Way is here labelled: GALAXIS. The names of α PsA and α Sco are missing and there are some variant spellings: Stela Polaris (α UMi), Dubbe (α UMa), Arturus (α Boo), Albior (α Aur), Anbelar (α Gem), Denebenecet (β Leo), Vendemiator (ϵ Vir).

 

C) Iconographic features: The same as Valvassore 1558 (M2).

 

2) Southern hemisphere in the upper right corner of the world map.

 

A) Cartography: Almost the same as Valvassore 1558 (M2). There is no latitude scale.

 

B) Astronomical notes: Almost the same as Valvassore 1558 (M2). The Greek name of Lepus and the label Balena Pristis Leo marinus for Cetus are left out. Two constellations have a variant spelling: CANIS MAIOR and HIDRA. The name of one subgroup is missing (Nodvs coelestis), and one is spelled differently: Scorpii stelle (Sco). One star name has a variant spelling: Denecb Kaytos (β Cet).

 

C) Iconographic features: The same as Valvassore 1558 (M2).

 

 

 

M4. A PAIR OF CELESTIAL MAPS included on the world map by Bernaard van den Putte ( Antwerp , 1570) copied from Vopel's world map of 1545. Woodcut, 12 sheets; 105.5 × 193 cm . Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek. (106)

 

( Note di Atlascoelestis):

Vedi http://www.diegocuoghi.com/palazzobestaleonardo/

 

  Vedi: https://www.astronomie-nuernberg.de/index.php?category=duerer&page=putte-1570

 

https://archive.org/stream/nachrichtenvond07klasgoog#page/n25/mode/2up

 

1) Northern hemisphere in the lower left corner of the world map entitled: IMAGINES CELI SEPTEN / TRIONALES CVM DVODECIM / IMAGINIBVS ZODIAC. Outside the map are two figures. One, labelled PTOLOMA[EVS] / AEGYPTIVS, wears a top hat and has a pair of dividers with a celestial globe. The other, labelled AZOPHI / ARABVS, wears a turban and holds a celestial globe in his hands.

 

A) Cartography: The same as Valvassore 1558 (M2).

 

B) Astronomical notes: Almost the same as Valvassore 1558 (M2). There is a Greek name for Gemini, but the Greek name for Taurus is missing. Variant spellings of constellation names: DECTOTON, SAGITTA. There are two additional names for subgroups: Hædi (Aur) and Vergiliæ. The four Ptolemaic Pleiades stars and two extra, non-Ptolemaic stars are also marked. Variant (correct) spellings of star names: Markab (α Peg); Denebeleced (β Leo). The area below the name SPICA (α Vir) is damaged.

 

C) Iconographic features: Almost the same as Valvassore 1558 (M2). Lyra is now a bird with a head (note that the orientation of the string instrument deviates from that on Vopel's globe by being drawn vertically along its body as on Dürer's map).

 

 

2) Southern hemisphere in the lower right corner of the world map, entitled: IMAGINES CELI / MERIDIONALES. Outside the map are two figures. One, labelled M. MANILIVS / ROMANVS, wears a headband and holds a celestial globe in his left hand. The other, labelled ARATVS / CILIX, wears a hood and has a celestial globe on front of him.

 

A) Cartography: The same as Valvassore 1558 (M2).

 

B) Astronomical notes: Almost the same as Valvassore 1558 (M2). There is a variant spelling for Navis: ARCO, and two additional star names: Bellatrix (γ Ori) and Alhabor (α CMa).

 

C) Iconographic features: The same as Valvassore 1558 (M2).

 

 

M5. A PAIR OF CELESTIAL MAPS by an anonymous maker. Woodcut, 28.5 × 40.5 cm ; Ø map 26 cm . (107)

vedi http://www.atlascoelestis.com/Anon%20gall%20500.htm ( Nota di Atlascoelestis)

 

1) Northern hemisphere

 

A) Cartography: Polar stereographic projection: from the north ecliptic pole to south of the ecliptic to include the zodiacal constellations. Language: Latin. Coordinates: circles of latitude every 30°. The ecliptic is graduated [twelve times 0°–30°; not numbered, division 10°, subdivision 1°], and the symbols of the zodiacal signs are marked. The part of equator north of the ecliptic is drawn. It is graduated [not numbered, division 10°, subdivision 1°] and labelled AEQVINOCTIALIS. The north polar circle and the Tropic of Cancer are labelled respectively: Circulus Acrticus and TROPICVS CANCRI. The colures are not labelled. The north equatorial pole is labelled but difficult to read.

 

B) Astronomical notes: All northern and zodiacal Ptolemaic constellations are drawn, and all but one (Serpens) are labelled: Vrsa minor, Vrsa maior, Draco, Cepheus, Bootes, Corona, Hercules, Lyra, Cygnus, Cassiopeia, Perseus, Erichthonius, Ophiuchus, Sagitta, Aquila, Delphin, Equiculus, Pegasus, Andromeda, Deltoton, Aries, Taurus, Gemini, Cancer, Leo, Virgo, Libra, Scorpius, Sagittarius, Capricornus, Aquarius, Pisces. Also the groups of unformed stars belonging to Aquila and Leo are labelled respectively: Euphelia (?) and Coma Berenices. There are labels for two star groups: Caput Medusae and Vergiliae. The stars are presented by different marks to indicate their brightness. There is no magnitude table; the Milky Way is not drawn. There are planetary symbols for astrological associations and two star names: Stella polaris (α UMi) and Regulus (α Leo),

 

C) Iconographic features: Lyra is represented by a bird with a head (note that the orientation of the string instrument differs from that on Vopel's globe by being being placed vertically over the body, as on Dürer's map), Boötes holds a lance in his right hand, and the Gemini have no attributes. In addition there are images of Antinous and Coma Berenices comprising the unformed stars belonging to Aquila and Leo, respectively.

 

2) Southern hemisphere

 

A) Cartography: Polar stereographic projection: from the south ecliptic pole to the ecliptic. Language: Latin. Coordinates: circles of latitude every 30°. The ecliptic is graduated [twelve times 0°–30°; numbered every 10°, division 1°]. The symbols of the zodiacal signs are marked. The part of equator south of the ecliptic is drawn. It is graduated [not numbered, division 10°, subdivision 1°]. The south polar circle and the Tropic of Capricorn are labelled respectively: Circulus Antarcticus. and TROPICVS CAPRICORNI. The colures and the south ecliptic pole are not labelled. The south equatorial pole is labelled but difficult to read. There is no latitude scale.

 

B) Astronomical notes: All southern Ptolemaic constellations are drawn and labelled: Cetus, Orion, Eridanus, Lepus, Sirius, Canis minor, Argo navis, Hidra, Crater, Corvus, Centaurus, Fera, Ara, Corona meridi, Piscis notius. Star groups have no labels. The stars are presented by different marks to indicate their brightness. There is no magnitude table; the Milky Way is not drawn. There are planetary symbols for astrological associations but no star names.

 

C) Iconographic features: The same as Valvassore 1558 (M2).

 

 

Notes

1. Herbert Koch, Aus der Geschichte der Familie Vopelius: familiengeschichtliche Blätter herausgegeben von Bernhard Vopelius, Jena . Heft IV: Caspar Vopelius Kartograph in Köln 1511–1561 (Jena, Verlag von Bernhard Vopelius, 1937), 2, mentions archival records of 1507 and 1525 with references to a Vopel family in Medebach, but a direct connection with Caspar Vopel can not be established. However, a manuscript globe of 1532 is signed ‘Gaspar of Medebach’.

2. At the University of Cologne , the Faculty of Arts was controlled by bursae. The professors for Greek, Hebrew, history and mathematics did not officially belong to the Faculty of Arts of the university and were financed by the city. See Erich Meuthen, ‘Die Artesfakultät der alten Kölner Universität’, Miscellanea Mediaevalia 20 (1989): 366–93.

3. Ernst Zinner, Deutsche und niederländische astronomische Instrumente des 11–-18. Jahrhunderts (1st ed., 1956; 2nd enlarged ed., 1967; reprint of 2nd ed., Munich : C. H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1979), 578–79. For a short review of Vopel's armillary spheres, the earliest copy of which is dated 1541, see Elly Dekker et. al., Globes at Greenwich : A Catalogue of the Globes and Armillary Spheres in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich (Oxford, Oxford University Press and the National Maritime Museum, 1999), 143–44.

4. Robert W. Karrow, Mapmakers of the Sixteenth Century and Their Maps: Bio-bibliographies of the Cartographers of Abraham Ortelius, 1570 (Chicago, Speculum Orbis Press, 1993), 558–67.

5. Paul Kunitzsch, Der Almagest. Die Syntaxis Mathematica des Claudius Ptolemäus in arabisch-lateinischer Überlieferung (Wiesbaden, Otto Harrossowitz, 1974), 167–68, has a table listing each constellation with the Greek name, the modern Latin name and the conventional abbreviations. For a concordance between the two ways of identifying stars, see Paul Kunitzsch, Claudius Ptolemäus: Der Sternkatalog des Almagest. Die arabisch-mittelalterliche Tradition. Vol. III: Gesamtkonkordanz der Sternkoordinaten (Wiesbaden, Otto Harrossowitz, 1991), 187–94.

6. Leonard Korth, ‘Die Kölner Globen des Kaspar Vopelius von Medebach (1511–1561)’, Zeitschrift für vaterländische Geschichte und Alterthumskunde 42 (1884): 169–78.

7. Korth, ‘Die Kölner Globen’ (see note 6), 172; Koch, Caspar Vopelius Kartograph in Köln 1511–1561 (see note 1), 9; Karrow, Mapmakers (see note 4), 558.

8. In the Ptolemaic star catalogue the total number of stars is not given as 1025 but as ‘1022 plus 3 faint stars in Coma’. This has been a source of great confusion, the more so because the catalogue includes three doubles and has thus 1028 entries. All numbers—1022, 1025 and 1028—are cited in the literature.

9. G . J. Toomer, Ptolemy's Almagest (London, Duckworth, 1984), 339–40.

10. For the Arabic-Latin tradition of the Ptolemaic star catalogue, see Kunitzsch, Der Almagest (see note 5), where the name Almagest is discussed on 115–25. The first printed edition of the star catalogue is Almagestum Cl. Ptolemei Pheludiensis Alexandrini Astronomorum principis ( Venice , Petrus Liechtenstein , 1515), available in the Digitale Sammlungen of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (http://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/). A modern scholarly edition has been published by Paul Kunitzsch, Claudius Ptolemäus: Der Sternkatalog des Almagest. Die arabisch-mittelalterliche Tradition. Vol. II: Die lateinische Übersetzung Gerhards von Cremona (Wiesbaden, Otto Harrossowitz, 1990).

11. Paul Kunitzsch, ‘The star catalogue commonly appended to the Alfonsine Tables’, Journal for the History of Astronomy 17 (1987): 89–98. Reprinted in Paul Kunitzsch, The Arabs and the Stars (Northampton, Variorum Reprints, 1989), ch. 22. The editio princeps of the Alfonsine Tables appeared in Venice in 1483, and many other editions followed. Not all printed editions of the Alfonsine Tables include the star catalogue. Kunitzsch's study is based on the star catalogues in the editions of Venice 1483, 1492, 1518 [dated 1521 at the end of the book], 1524; Paris 1545, 1553; and Madrid 1641.

12. For the 1515 edition of the Almagest, see note 10. Kunitzsch, Der Almagest (see note 5), 185–86. In the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Vultur volans was also used as a name of the brightest star of Aquila , see 254, no. 207.

13. The name ‘Altair’ developed during the Middle Ages and is known in many spellings, see Paul Kunitzsch, Arabische Sternamen in Europe (Wiesbaden, Otto Harrossowitz, 1959), 81–82 and 138–39. The name Alkair occurs in star tables from the first decades of the 15th century, see Paul Kunitzsch, Typen von Sternverzeichnissen in astronomischen Handschriften des zehnten bis vierzehnten Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden, Otto Harrossowitz, 1966), 114, Type XVII, no. 36.

14. Johannes Stöffler, Elucidatio fabricae ususque astrolabii (Oppenheym, Jacobus Köbel, 1512–1513). This treatise was reprinted many times in the 16th century. The star α Aql is listed in Stöffler's star tables as both Vultur volans and Alkayr. http://www.e-rara.ch/zut/content/titleinfo/152788

15. Alfonsi Hispaniarum Regis Tabule (Venice, Luca Antonio Junta, 1524), 106r–107v. Kunitzsch, ‘The star catalogue commonly appended to the Alfonsine Tables’ (see note 11), 93. Paul Kunitzsch has told me that the information in this survey, constructed by L. Gauricus, is taken from the Quadripartitum, the Latin translation of Ptolemy's Tetrabiblos made by Plato Tiburtinus from the Arabic. Ptolemy speaks of ‘the star of Apollo’ and ‘the star of Hercules’, see Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, ed. and transl. F. E. Robbins; Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1940, reprint 1980), I.9.

16. Kunitzsch, Der Almagest (see note 5), 255, no. 212. The name Antinous occurs in the Arabic translation of Ptolemy's Syntaxis mathematica made during the reign of Caliph al-Ma'mūn (813–833) of Bagdad by al-ajjāj ibn Yūsuf ibn Maar, but Gerard of Cremona predominantly followed the Arabic version made around 879–890 by the Bagdad physician Isāq ibn unayn, who did not mention the name of Antinous, apparently because the name was missing in the Greek original used by him (Paul Kunitzsch, private communication).

17. John Monfasani, George of Trebizond : A Biography and a Study of His Rhetoric and Logic (Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1976), 73–75. Collectanea Trapezuntiana: Texts, Documents, and Bibliographies of George of Trebizond , ed. John Monfasani (Binghamton, New York, The Renaissance Society of America, 1984), 748. The printed edition is Claudii Ptolemaei Pheludiensis Alexandrini Almagestum seu magnae constructionis mathematicae opus plane divinum latina donatum lingua ab Georgio Trapezuntio usquequaq. doctissimo. per Lucam Gauricum Neapolit. divinae matheseos professorem egregium in alma urbe Veneta orbis regina recognitum anno salutis MDXXVIII labente ( Venice , Luca Antonio Junta, 1528). Later editions by Henricus Petri appeared in Basel in 1541 and 1551.

18. Georgio Valla, De expetendis et fugiendis rebus ( Venice , Aldus Manutius, 1501), Book I, Lib XVII, ddii–eevi.

19. Dürer's maps have frequently been discussed in the literature; one of the best is that of W. Voss, ‘Eine Himmelskarte vom Jahre 1503 mit den Wahrzeichen des Wiener Poetenkollegiums als Vorlage Albrecht Dürers’, Jahrbuch der preussischen Kunstsammlungen 64 (1943): 89–150.

20. Apian's planisphere of 1536 is described by Deborah J. Warner, The Sky Explored: Celestial Cartography 1500–1800 (New York, Alan R. Liss; Amsterdam, Theatrum Orbis Terrarum Ltd., 1979), 10; and reproduced in full in Paul Kunitzsch, Peter Apian und Azophi: Arabische Sternbilder in Ingolstadt im frühen 16. Jahrhundert (Munich, Verlag der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1986).

21. Gemma Frisius's globe is described in Dekker, Globes at Greenwich (see note 3), 87–91 and 341–42. For Praetorius's globe, see Gerhard Bott, ed., Focus Behaim Globus, I Aufsätze, II Katalog (Nuremberg, Verlag des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, 1992), II: 637–38.

22. C . Iulius Hyginus, Poeticon Astronomicon: Ad Vetervm exemplarium eorumq(ue) manuscriptorum fidem diligentissime recognitum, & ab innumeris, quibus scatebat, uitiis repurgatum (Cologne, Ioannis Soter, 1534), available in the Digitale Sammlungen of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (http://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/). The editio princeps was published in 1475 in Ferrara , and soon after three editions printed in Venice followed. A modern scholarly edition of the text with a French translation is Hygin, Astronomie, ed. A. Le Boeuffle (Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1983). On Soter, see Wolfgang Schmitz, ‘Das humanistische Verlagsprogramm Johannes Soters’, in Humanismus in Köln: Humanism in Cologne, ed. James V. Mehl (Cologne, Böhlau Verlag, 1991), 77–117.

23. Hyginus, Poeticon Astronomicon (see note 22), fol. m iiii. The text of the legend on Bernaard van den Putte's world map ( Antwerp , 1570) is given in Walther Ruge, ‘Die Weltkarte des Kölner Kartographen Caspar Vopell’, in Zu Friedrich Ratzels Gedächtnis: Geplant als Festschrift zum 60. Geburtstage, nun als Grabspende dargebracht ( Leipzig , 1904), 303–18; reprinted in Acta Cartographica 20 (1975): 392–405, esp. 396. It differs slightly from the text on the world map by Valvassore ( Venice , 1558).

24. The bibliography for Aratus's original Greek poem is extensive. The reader is directed to recent annotated editions and translations of the text: Aratos, Phainomena. Sternbilder und Wetterzeichen, ed. and transl. M. Erren (Munich, Heimeran, 1971); Aratus, Phaenomena, ed. and transl. D. Kidd (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997); Aratos, Phénomènes, ed. and transl. J. Martin, 2 vols (Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1998). A discussion of all descriptive catalogue traditions is presented in Elly Dekker. ‘The provenance of the stars in the Leiden Aratea Picture Book’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes ( 2010, in press).

25. Ulrike Bauer, Der Liber Introductorius des Michael Scotus in der Abschrift Clm 10268 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Ein illustrierter astronomisch-astrologischer Codex aus Padua , 14. Jahrhundert (Munich, Tuduv-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1983), 12.

26. The illustrations of Hyginus's 1482 edition are discussed in Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 269. She concludes that ‘most, if not all, of the constellation figures in these books [of Hyginus] were closely patterned after the figures printed by Ratdolt’. The Scot illustrations have been reprinted in Theony Condos, Star Myths of the Greeks and Romans: A Sourcebook Containing the Constellations of Pseudo-Eratosthenes and the Poetic Astronomy of Hyginus (Grand Rapids, Mich., Phanes Press, 1997).

27. Bauer, Der Liber Introductorius (see note 25), 53–55.

28. Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 74, discusses the variant numbering of the stars of Andromeda used on the Dürer maps and its forerunners. Note that this numbering is not used by Vopel.

29. Vopel's drawings were reproduced by the Cologne professor of mathematics Theodore Gramineus in his Cologne edition of 1569 of the Phaenomena et Prognostica of Aratus and in his later works on the comets of 1573 and 1577. Peter Meurer has verified that Gramineus used Vopel's wood blocks (personal communication). Heinrich Decimator also made use of Vopel's drawings in 1587. See Warner, The Sky Explored (note 20), 62 and 98. Warner did not realize that Vopel was the maker of these woodcuts, since she did not know of Soter's 1534 copy of Hyginus.

30. Zofia Ameisenowa, The Globe of Martin Bylica of Olkusz and Celestial Maps in the East and in the West, transl. by Andrzej Potocki ( Warsaw , Polska Akademia Nauk. Komitet Historii Nauki, 1959).

31. Dekker, Globes at Greenwich (see note 3), 87–91 and 341–42 for Gemma Frisius's globe; 91–95 and 412–13 for Mercator's globe. The difference between the astrological information on these two globes is discussed in Annelies van Gijsen, ‘Mercator and astrology’, in Gerardus Mercator Rupelmundanus, ed. Marcel Watelet (Antwerp, Mercatorfonds Paribas, 1994). A French edition of this book appeared as Gerard Mercator, cosmographe: le temps et l'espace, ed. Marcel Watelet (Antwerp, Mercatorfonds Paribas, 1994).

32. A manuscript celestial globe of 1575, based on Vopel's printed globe, is described by Samuel Gessner ‘The Vopelius-Schissler connection. Transmission of knowledge for the design of celestial globes in the 16th century’, Bulletin of the Scientific Instrument Society, 104 (2010): 32–42.

33. Peter van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici. The Production of Globes in the Low Countries (Utrecht, Hes Publishers, 1993), 81. The calculations of modern astronomers here referred to are based on the Copernican theory of trepidation, which was first described in the De Revolutionibus published in 1543 and first applied in globe making by Gerard Mercator for correcting the stellar positions for precession on his celestial globe of 1551. See Elly Dekker, ‘Conspicuous features on sixteenth century celestial globes’, Der Globusfreund 43/44 (1995): 77–106, esp. 79–80.

34. Dekker, Globes at Greenwich (see note 3), Ch. 7, 69–74.

35. Karrow, Mapmakers (see note 4), 560–62. Ruge, ‘Die Weltkarte des Kölner Kartographen Caspar Vopell’ (see note 23), 392–405.

36. Private communication from Peter Meurer. Günter Schilder, Monumenta Cartographica Neerlandica II (Alphen aan den Rijn, Uitgeverij ‘Canaletto’, 1987), 26, mentions editions of 1549 and 1552.

37. Short descriptions of maps M1 and M2 are given in Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 262.

38. Kunitzsch, Peter Apian und Azophi (see note 20), 53–56, Exkurs III.

39. K. Lippincott, ‘The problem with being a minor deity: the story of Eridanus’, in Images of the Pagan Gods. Papers of a Conference in Memory of Jean Seznec, eds R. Duits and F. Quiviger; Warburg Institute Colloquia 14 ( London , The Warburg Institute, 2009), 43–96.

40. Dekker, Globes at Greenwich (see note 3), 69–74 and 91.

41. Cornelis Koeman, Günter Schilder, Marco van Egmond and Peter van der Krogt, ‘Commercial cartography and map production in the Low Countries, 1500–ca. 1672’ , in The History of Cartography III: Cartography in the European Renaissance, ed. David Woodward (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2007), 2: 1296–383, esp. 1345 and 1377.

42. Pagano did not copy the titles of Valvassore's maps. Of the four astronomers in the corners of Valvassore's maps, Pagano kept only PTOLOMEO ALESANDRINO. The three others were replaced by geographers located in the corners of the world map itself, see Rodney W. Shirley, The Mapping of the World: Early Printed World Maps 1472–1700 (London, Holland Press Limited, 1984; reprinted with corrections, 1987), 101, Plate 76.

43. They are referred to briefly by Anna Friedman Herlihy, ‘Renaissance star charts’, in Woodward, Cartography in the European Renaissance (see note 41), 1: 99–122, esp. 115.

44. See, for example, the world maps by Guillaume Postel (1581) and Petrus Plancius (1592) in Shirley, The Mapping of the World (see note 42), 166–67, Plate 122, and 199–202, Plate 148.

45. The six little female heads drawn by Vopel are a reminder of Hyginus's claim that only six stars of the Pleiades are visible (see Hygin, Astronomie (note 22), II.21). In medieval illustrated manuscripts the Pleiades are usually represented by the busts of seven females, never six. Medieval images of the Asses drawn on the shell of Cancer are, for example, seen in the illustrations in Patrick McGurk, ‘Germanici Caesaris Aratea cum Scholiis: a new illustrated witness from Wales’, The National Library of Wales Journal 18 (1973): 197–216, esp. Plate I (A) and Plate II (B). In medieval illustrated manuscripts the Kids are a regular feature of the iconography of Auriga. For an example, see Ranee Katzenstein and Emilie Savage-Smith, The Leiden Aratea: Ancient Constellations in a Medieval Manuscript (Malibu, The J. Paul Getty Museum, 1988), 23. Their mythological significance is explained in Hygin, Astronomie (see note 22), II.13.

46. The identification of the Gemini as Apollo and Hercules is also one of the options mentioned by Hyginus, see Hygin, Astronomie (see note 22), II.22.

47. Eric M. Moorman and Wilfried Uitterhoeve, Lexikon der antiken Gestalten: mit ihrem Fortleben in Kunst, Dichting und Musik, transl. Marinus Pütz (Stuttgart, Kröner, 1995).

48. Dekker, ‘Globes in Renaissance Europe’, in Woodward, Cartography in the European Renaissance (see note 41), 1: 135–73, esp. 144–45, fig. 6.6. For a reproduction of the Gemini on Schöner's globe of c.1533, see Elly Dekker and Peter van der Krogt, Globes from the Western World (London, Zwemmer, 1993), 29, Plate 5.

49. Hygin, Astronomie (see note 22), II.4. The translation is from Condos, Star Myths (see note 26), 56. The name Icarus is often used synonymously with Icarius, but in order to avoid confusion we follow Condos and use here Icarius only.

50. Alexandra Rosokoki, Die Erigone des Eratosthenes: Eine kommentierte Ausgabe der Fragmente (Heidelberg, Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 1995), 42, 53–78, 81–86. Hygin, Astronomie (see note 22), II.4.

51. The Wagon is also shown on the globe of c.1585, attributed to Giovanni Baptista Fontana; see Dekker, ‘Conspicuous features’ (note 33), 83 and 97; and on that of Matthäus Greuter of 1636, see Elly Dekker, Catalogue of Orbs, Spheres and Globes (Florence, Giunti, 2004), 138.

52. André Le Boeuffle, Les Noms Latins d'Astres et de Constellations (Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1977), 85.

53. Hygin, Astronomie (see note 22), II.2. The translation is from Condos, Star Myths (see note 26), 202.

54. Peter Apian, Quadrans astronomicus ( Ingolstadt , Petrus Apianus, 1532). The same picture occurs in his Instrument Buch 1533 (Ingolstadt, 1533; reprinted Leipzig, Reprintverlag Leipzig, 1990), Ciij verso and Liij recto. Both works are available in the Digitale Sammlungen of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (http://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/).

55. Kunitzsch, Peter Apian und Azophi (see note 20), 23–26.

56. Apian used the name Alcor in his books and drawings, but on his maps Alkor. Since ‘Reiterlein’ is found only in Apian's books, Vopel must have consulted one of them. The spelling of Alkor on Vopel's globe may have been introduced by Vopel himself.

57. Apian, Quadrans astronomicus (see note 54), C2 recto; Apian, Instrument Buch (see note 54), Dij recto. On Apian's planispheres of 1536 and 1540 one finds Lyra with the instrument held vertically against it, as it is presented on Dürer's maps.

58. Boötes's dogs should not be confused with those introduced at the end of the 17th century by Johannes Hevelius (1611–1689) and known as Canes Venatici, see Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 112–16.

59. Hygin, Astronomie (see note 22), II.4. Condos, Star Myths (see note 26), 56.

60. Kunitzsch, Claudius Ptolemäus: Der Sternkatalog des Almagest. Vol. II (see note 10), 48–49. The text describing Boo 8 is et est in calurus et est hastile habens canes. The original Arabic text says that this star is ‘on the kollorobos, that is the staff with the curve, the hook’. The Latin calurus is a transcription of the Arabic transcription (qlwrwbs) of the Greek word ‘kollorobos’ (κολλóροβος). The Latin hastile habens canes resulted from a misinterpretation of the Arabic text: the word al-kullāb (for curve, hook) was misread as al-kilāb, the plural of al-kalb, meaning dog (Paul Kunitzsch, private communication).

61. Florence, Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Angeli MS. 1147 A .6, fol. 7v; see Patrick McGurk, Catalogue of Astrological and Mythological Illuminated Manuscripts of the Latin Middle Ages. VI: Astrological Manuscripts in Italian Libraries (other than Rome ) (London, The Warburg Institute, 1966), 33 and Plate IVd.

62. On Florence BNC Angeli MS. 1147 A .6 (see note 61), as on the globes by Stöffler and Schöner, the dogs are connected by leads to the wrist of the same hand that holds the lance, see McGurk, Catalogue of Astrological and Mythological Illuminated Manuscripts (note 61), Plate IVd; and Dekker, ‘Conspicuous features’ (see note 33), 81. For Schöner's gores, see Dekker, ‘Globes in Renaissance Europe’, (see note 48), 1: 135–73, 144–45, fig. 6.6.

63. Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 10. Kunitzsch, Peter Apian und Azophi (see note 20), Exkurs II. Note that on Apian's maps the reins are not connected to the hand of Boötes that holds the lance but to the other hand.

64. Toomer, Ptolemy ’s Almagest (see note 9), 368.

65. Catullus, Poems 61–68, edited with introduction, translation and commentary by John Godwin (Warminster, Aris & Philips, 1995). The poem on Berenice's lock of hair is no. 66; the Latin text and its translation are on 80–85 and the commentary on 182–93. In the Appendix (227–29), the surviving Callimachus fragment is reproduced. On the editio princeps of Catullus's poems, see Julia Haig Gaisser, Catullus and His Renaissance Readers (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1993), 24.

66. Eratosthenes, Sternsagen (Catasterismi), ed. and transl. J. Pàmias and K. Geus (Oberhaid, Utopica, 2007). For an English translation, see Condos, Star Myths (see note 26); and for a French translation, see P. Charvet and A. Zucker; Le Ciel. Mythes et histoire des constellations—Les Catastérismes d’Ératosthène, with astronomical comments by J.-P. Brunet and R. Nadal (Paris, NiL éditions, 1998).

67. Hygin, Astronomie (see note 22), II.24.

68. In some older sources one finds the figure of an ivy leaf at the very place where one would expect the Lock of Hair; see Elly Dekker and Paul Kunitzsch, ‘An early Islamic tradition in globe making’, Zeitschrift für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamichen Wissenschaften 18 (2008–2009): 155–211, esp. 180–81.

69. Catullus, Poems 61–68 (see note 65), 66.7–8.

70. Toomer, Ptolemy's Almagest (see note 9), 357.

71. Dio's Roman History, ed. and transl. E. Cary , on the basis of H. Baldwin; Loeb Classical Library 8 (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1925), 69.11.1–4. The Historia Augusta (or Scriptores Historiae Augustae), transl. David Magie; Loeb Classical Library 139, 140 and 263 (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1922–1932). Further details can be found in Royston Lambert, Beloved and God: The Story of Hadrian and Antinous (London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1984), 57.

72. A convenient review of the statues and coins is in Lambert, Beloved and God (see note 71), 224–37.

73. Ibid., 7, for the fulminations of St Anastarius in about 350 ad.

74. Ptolemy, Syntaxis mathematica 1528 (see note 17), 75v, end of second colomn.

75. Ibid., 78r. I thank Alessandro Scafi for the translation.

76. Ptolemy, Almagest 1515 (see note 10), 83r. Kunitzsch, Claudius Ptolemäus: Der Sternkatalog des Almagest (see note 10), 2: 102–3. A summary of the occurrence of the names Trica and Triche on early maps and globes is in Dekker, ‘Conspicuous features’ (see note 33), 94, Table 6.

77. Hygin, Astronomie (see note 22), II.24.1

78. Schmitz, ‘Das humanistische Verlagsprogramm Johannes Soters’ (see note 22), 86. Erich Meuthen, Kölner Universitätsgeschichte, I: Die alte Universität (Cologne, Böhlau, 1998), 261 and 294–95.

79. P. C. Molhuysen and P. J. Blok, eds., Nieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch Woordenboek (Leiden, A.W. Sijthoff, 1911–1937), 1: 472–73, report that Van Bronckhorst was from 9 October 1543 to 9 October 1544 rector of the university in Rostock, and that he became on 16 October 1544 head of its philosophical faculty. In Rostock he was also ‘inspector scholae inferioris’.

80. James V. Mehl, ‘Humanism in the home town of the “Obscure Men”’, in Mehl, Humanismus in Köln (see note 22), 1–38.

81. Lavrentii Vallae Romani Dialecticarum disputationum libri tres eruditiss. Opera Ioannis Nouiomagui castigati Cum eiusdem Graecorum dictionum anarratione fidelissima (Cologne, Gymnicys, 1541). Rodolphi Agricolae Phrisii De inventione dialectica (Cologne, Gualtherus Fabricius, 1563). Georgii Trapezvntii De Re Dialectica Libellvs,vna cum scholijs per Ioannem Neomagum (Cologne, Ioannis Soter, 1533). The last work is listed in Monfasani, Collectanea Trapezuntiana (see note 17), 475, no. 19. Revised versions, published in 1536 and 1538, are listed under nos. 21 and 25. Peter Mack, ‘Humanist rhetoric and dialectic’, in The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism, ed. Jill Kraye (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1st ed., 1996; 9th printing, 2008), 82–99, lists the most influential humanist authors and their major work in this field. See further Anthony Grafton and Lisa Jardine, From Humanism to the Humanities: Education and the Liberal Arts in Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Europe (Cambridge Mass., Harvard University Press, 1986), 66–82. Charles G. Nauert, Humanism and the Culture of Renaissance Europe, 2nd ed. ( Cambridge , Cambridge University Press, 2006).

82. Ioannes Noviomagus, De Astrolabi compositione (Cologne, 1533). I have not been able to locate a copy of this work, but it is mentioned in Antony J. Turner, ‘From brass to text: the European astrolabe in literature and print’, in Koenraad Van Cleempoel et. al., Astrolabes at Greenwich: A Catalogue of the Astrolabes in the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich (Oxford, Oxford University Press and the National Maritime Museum, 1999), 31–40, esp. 35, Table 4.4, no. 17. Bedae Presbyteri Anglosaxonis Monachi Benedicti, viri literarissimi, opuscula cumplura de temporum ratione diligenter castigata atque illustrata veteribus quibusdam annotationes un cum scholiis in obscuriores aliquot locos (Cologne, Johann Prael, 1537).

83. Cl. Ptolomaei Pheludiensis Alexandrini philosophi et mathematici excellentissimio Phaenomena, stellarum MXXII. Fixarum ad hanc aetatem reducta atque seorsum in studiosorum gratiam. Nunc primum edita, Interprete Georgio Trapezuntio. Adiecta est isagoge Ioannis Noviomagi ad stellarum inerrantium longitudines ac latitudines, cui etiam accessere imagines sphaerae barbaricae duodequinquaginta Alberti Dureri (Cologne, printer unknown, 1537). An incomplete but annotated copy is available in the Digitale Sammlungen of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (http://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/).

84. Ioannes Noviomagus, De numeris libri duo (published once in Paris, Christianus Wechelus, 1539, and twice in Cologne , by Ioannes Ruremundanus, 1539, and by Johannes Gymnicus, 1544). Cl. Ptolemaei Alexandrini … Libri VIII. de geographia e` Graeco denuo traducti: nominibus graecis e` regione appositis, atque in indicem quam locupletissimum redactis numquam antea visa commoditate simili: / Joannis Noviomagi opera; Nunc primum in lucem editi ( Cologne , Ioannes Ruremundanus, 1540). The copy is listed in Patrick Gautier Dalché, ‘The reception of Ptolemy's Geography (end of the fourteenth to beginning of the sixteenth century)’, in Woodward, Cartography in the European Renaissance (see note 41), 1: 285–364, esp. 362.

85. Dekker, ‘Conspicuous features’ (see note 33), 90, Table 2.

86. Vopel is the only 16th-century globemaker who uses 1520 as the epoch of his globes. Gemma Frisius's globe of 1537 has an epoch of 1515. The epochs of the globes of Georg Hartmann and Gerard Mercator equal the dates of production, Dekker, ‘Conspicuous features’ (see note 33), 90, Table 2.

87. Henricus Glareanus, De Geographia Liber unus ( Basel , Ioannes Faber, 1527), cap XIX. See Gunther Oestmann, ‘On the construction of globe gores and the preparation of spheres in the sixteenth century’, Der Globusfreund 43/44 (1995): 121–34, esp. 121.

88. Renae Satterley, ‘The rediscovery of two celestial maps of 1537’ , Imago Mundi 62:1 (2010): 86–91. Noviomagus's so-called ‘sphaera barbarica’ is not to be confused with that described in the studies by Franz Boll; Franz Boll, Sphaera: Neue Griechische Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der Sternbilder (Leipzig, B. G. Teubner, 1903), 349–412.

89. Helmuth Grössing, Humanistische Naturwissenschaft. Zur Geschichte der Wiener mathematischen Schulen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts (Baden-Baden, Verlag Valentin Koerner, 1983), 203–4.

90. For the globe of Gerard Mercator, see Dekker, Globes at Greenwich (see note 3), 413–15. For the globe of Tilmann Stella, see Dekker, ‘Conspicuous features’ (see note 33), 96. For the globes of Christian Heiden, Eberhard Baldewein and Jost Bürgi, see J. H. Leopold, Astronomen Sterne Geräte. Landgraf Wilhem IV. und seine sich selbst bewegenden Globen (Luzern, Keller & Co AG, 1986), esp. 42–43. Bayer's Uranometria is described in Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 18–20.

91. The occurrence of these two constellations on globes in the collection of the National Maritime Museum, which includes many Dutch globes, is recorded in Dekker, Globes at Greenwich (see note 3), 563.

92. Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 133 and 274. The maps of Jost Amman are described as Anonymous VII.

93. The gem takes its name from the owner of the collection from which it was reported to have come: René-Joseph Tournemine, ‘Explication d'une Cornaline antique de Mr. Masson, ou Antinous est représenté se devouent pour Adrian ’, Memoires pour l'histoire des sciences et des beaux arts (Paris, Trevoux, Mars 1713): 427, Article XXXIV. For a reproduction, see Lambert, Beloved and God (see note 71), 53, 136–37, fig. 11.

94. Dekker, Globes at Greenwich (see note 3), 69–74.

95. In 1598 and 1599, Tycho Brahe presented manuscript copies of his star catalogue to a limited number of influential people. A printed edition of an enlarged version of his catalogue with about a thousand stars was published in Johannes Kepler, Tabulae Rudolphinae, quibus astronomicae scientiae, temporum longinquitate collapsae restauratio continetur… ( Ulm , Saur, 1627).

96. Both globemakers were allowed to copy Tycho's star positions prior to publication. Van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici (see note 32), 96, 103–6, on the contacts between Tycho Brahe and the Van Langrens; and 141–42, on the contacts between Tycho Brahe and Willem Jansz Blaeu.

97. Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 113.

98. Eugène Delporte, Délimitation scientifique des constellations (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1930).

99. Another copy of G1, in the Fürstliche Thurn- und Taxis'sche Hofbibliothek, Regensburg , is cited in A. Fauser, Altere Erd-und Himmelsgloben in Bayern (Stuttgart, Schuler Verlagsgesellschaft, 1964), 137–38.

100. I thank Peter Meurer for pointing out to me that the coat of arms is that of Cologne .

101. Sotheby's, Catalogue Natural History, Travel, Atlases and Maps ( Sale L08401), London , New Bond Street , 8 May 2008, Lot 78. Peter van der Krogt, ‘The globe-gores in the Nicolai-Collection ( Stuttgart )’, Der Globusfreund 33/34 (1985): 99–116, esp. 112, no. 19.

102. Van der Krogt, ‘The globe-gores in the Nicolai-Collection’ (see note 101), 112–13, no. 20.

103. Shirley, The Mapping of the World (see note 42), 114–16, Plate 87. Karrow, Mapmakers (see note 4), 561. Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 262.

104. Shirley, The Mapping of the World (see note 42), 115 and 117. Karrow, Mapmakers (see note 4), 561. Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 262.

105. Shirley, The Mapping of the World (see note 42), 100–1, Plate 76.

106. Shirley, The Mapping of the World (see note 42), 146, Plate 106. Karrow, Mapmakers (see note 4), 561–62.

107. Warner, The Sky Explored (see note 20), 271.

 

CONFRONTA CON

 

Manoscritto di Vienna (1440 circa)

 

 

Planisferi di Conrad Heinfogel (?)

 Die Karte des Nördlichen Sternenhimmels, Inv.-Nr. Hz 5576

 

Die Karte des  Südlichen  Sternenhimmels, Inv.-Nr. Hz 5577

 

 

Petrus Apianus

Astronomicum Caesareum, Ingolstadt 1540

 

Affreschi di Palazzo Besta a Teglio (1550 circa)

e con i

Planisferi del Durer (1515)

 

 

Confronta con le costellazioni di Rusconi

in

Della architettura di Gio. Antonio Rusconi, con centossanta figure dissegnate dal medesimo, secondo i precetti di Vitruvio, Venezia, 1590

 

 

Sopra l'origine delle costellazioni australi leggi il seguente articolo di

E. B. Knobel

 

 

 

Il mito di Fetonte

 

Per cortesia di

 

 e di Hans Gaab autore di

 

esamina nelle seguenti pagine le influenze delle tavole del Dürer sulla produzione cartografica celeste successiva

e le carte che hanno influito sulla sua produzione

 

Von Dürer beeinflusste Himmelskarten

https://www.astronomie-nuernberg.de/index.php?category=duerer&page=sternkarten

https://www.astronomie-nuernberg.de/index.php?category=duerer&page=nachfolger

 


 

 

 

www.atlascoelestis.com

di  FELICE STOPPA